Japan moves to shed pacifist ways with major defense buildup 
TOKYO
 — Alarmed by increasing security threats and the risk of war in the 
Indo-Pacific, Japan will seek to purchase hundreds of U.S.-built 
Tomahawk cruise missiles as part of a major defense buildup 
unprecedented in the postwar period, Japanese and U.S. officials said.
The
 missile buy would boost Japan’s long-range strike capability and mark a
 stunning break with a long tradition of eschewing offensive weapons. 
And it would enhance Japan’s conventional deterrent as China undertakes a
 sweeping military modernization and North Korea barrels ahead with its 
nuclear program.
Japan
 will move forward on the Tomahawk decision as a part of the rollout of 
its new national security and defense strategies this month, along with a
 major hike in Japan’s defense budget — to the NATO benchmark of 2 
percent of gross domestic product, which would make it the third-largest
 in the world. Together, these steps signal a Japan moving to shed its 
longtime pacifist constraints.
“Japan
 wanted to limit its defense spending and try not to acquire 
second-strike capability. But the situation surrounding us does not 
permit us to do that,” said Ichiro Fujisaki, former Japanese ambassador 
to the United States. “Many people thought [war] was a 20th-century 
issue, but we are now seeing that again.”
The
 missile acquisition and the growing defense budget have the support of 
the Biden administration, which views Japan as a pivotal partner in the 
western Pacific. Officials see a deepening alliance with Japan as part 
of a broader strategy of regional cooperation to enhance security, 
including a deal involving the United States and Britain helping 
Australia develop nuclear-powered submarines, and the United States 
lifting limits on South Korea building ballistic missiles.
“The
 United States is not just taking unilateral steps, but is seeking to 
empower allies and partners in ways that are deeply significant and 
magnify our capacities in the region,” said a U.S. official who, like 
several others interviewed, spoke on the condition of anonymity to 
discuss plans that are not yet public.
The
 decision to buy hundreds of Tomahawks — 400 to 500 by some accounts — 
will put China and North Korea on notice that Japan is serious about 
self-defense, and that the bilateral alliance — arguably the most 
significant militarily in the region — is growing stronger in the face 
of threats from Beijing and Pyongyang, officials said.
“The
 introduction of this system will symbolize a major positive change 
regarding counterstrike capabilities,” a Japanese official said. The 
Tomahawk missiles, with a 1,000-mile-plus range, would put military 
targets on mainland China within reach.
While
 Japan has gradually been shifting away from self-defense-oriented 
policies — a 2014 reinterpretation of its constitution allowed for 
military action in the event an ally was attacked — change had been 
incremental.
Russia’s
 February invasion of Ukraine was “absolutely” a pivotal factor in 
creating the political climate that allowed the ruling Liberal 
Democratic Party to push a strong national security agenda over 
anti-militarist public sentiment, a second Japanese official said.
Polls
 show that post-Ukraine, public support for what the Japanese government
 calls “counterstrike” capability has clearly risen, from 37 percent in 
July 2020 to over 60 percent in June.
For
 the Japanese, the war in Ukraine has made a Chinese invasion of Taiwan 
appear much more possible, deepening the public’s concern over Japan’s 
military readiness in the event of a regional conflict.
In
 August, after U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) visited 
Taipei, an outraged Beijing carried out aggressive military drills near 
Taiwan, including the launch of a ballistic missile that landed in Japan’s exclusive economic zone. And
 over the past year, North Korea has tested an unprecedented number of 
ballistic missiles as it pursues its nuclear weapons program, even sending one over Japan.
“This
 represents a significant evolution in Japan’s strategic thinking,” said
 Jeffrey Hornung, an expert in Japanese security and foreign policy at 
the Washington-based Rand Corp. “China’s behavior over the last 10 years
 has really put Japan on a trajectory of thinking more seriously about 
its defense.”
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has pushed a more assertive foreign policy agenda
 since February. Late last month, he took the extraordinary step of 
saying he wanted to grow the defense budget to 2 percent of GDP by 2027 —
 a move long considered controversial and implausible. If he 
succeeds, Japan in five years likely would have the world’s 
third-largest defense budget after the United States and China.
Japan views the Tomahawk missiles as a “stopgap” weapon that could be delivered within five or so years, as
 it works to extend the range of its own Type 12 cruise missiles to have
 a similar ability to attack military targets on land from a distance. 
But that project is likely to be a 10-year effort, experts said.
Japan
 plans to reconfigure existing vertical launch systems on its destroyers
 to accommodate the Tomahawks, officials said. The Tomahawks were a top 
choice because they are “combat proven long-range fires,” the first Japanese official said.
The Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles, or TLAMs, are built
 by Raytheon. They were notably used in the 1991 Persian Gulf War, 
demonstrating that targets could be struck at long range with precision.
 They would give Japan the ability to strike bases on Chinese or North 
Korean soil, unlike its current array of missiles, which are geared for 
invaders closer to Japanese territory.
Possessing
 Tomahawks would “add a lot” to Japan’s conventional deterrent, said the
 former head of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, retired Adm. Phil Davidson. 
“You’ve got to have some offensive capability,” said Davidson, who 
retired last year. “You can’t win the World Cup without scoring a goal. 
You can’t just play defense all the time. If you’re going to have a 
deterrent capability, your adversary has to feel they’re at risk.”
The
 benefits would accrue to partners in the region as well, said 
Christopher B. Johnstone, Japan chair at the Center for Strategic and 
International Studies: “A Japan that is capable of striking back on its 
own would make a significant contribution to deterrence in East Asia.”
Japan
 and the United States already cooperate closely in military technology,
 former officials noted. The Japanese fly the F-35 fighter jet and use 
the Aegis missile defense system, both built by U.S. contractor Lockheed
 Martin. They run joint ballistic missile defense exercises at sea, 
including a successful one last month off Hawaii.
Japanese officials say the move would also deepen U.S. confidence in Japan’s will and ability to shoulder its defense burden.
“We
 are backing our intention with the budget and security strategy,” said 
the second Japanese official. “And that should elevate U.S. confidence 
in Japanese capability. That kind of confidence is important for the 
alliance.”
To date only Britain has been sold the Tomahawks, noted Hornung, from Rand. The
 United States selling to Japan “sends a message that you are in our top
 tier of really trustworthy countries as allies,” he said.
China
 has bristled at Japan’s shift. At a briefing this month, Chinese 
Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning called Japan’s plans a “very 
dangerous” development.
“Japan
 needs to earnestly reflect on its history of aggression, respect the 
security concerns of Asian neighbors, act prudently in the field of 
military security, and do more things that are conducive to regional 
peace and stability,” Mao said.
In
 May, Japan’s national security adviser, Takeo Akiba, met in Washington 
with his White House counterpart, Jake Sullivan, and broached the idea 
of buying Tomahawks, according to people familiar with the matter. 
Sullivan, they said, was receptive.
“We’ll start a process to look at it,” he told Akiba, according to the people. “And we’ll stay in touch with you.”
Tokyo has not yet made a formal request to purchase the weapons, officials said.
The
 government is still sensitive to domestic antiwar sentiment and is 
steadfastly framing the weapons in terms of self-defense. “It’s 
defensive-offensive — not offense-offense,” said the second official. 
“We still consider it defensive.”
But, the official conceded, “this [move] is quite extraordinary. The Tomahawk is very significant.”
Japan was the first Asian nation to join the West in
 imposing sanctions on Russia over its invasion, leading Russia to label
 it an “unfriendly” country and to increase its military activity in the
 vicinity.
Officials
 in Tokyo saw how NATO support for Kyiv increased after it demonstrated a
 will to fight in the face of long odds, said Johnstone, until June a 
White House director for East Asia: “They concluded the best way to 
ensure the United States and others are in their corner in a crisis was 
to show they had invested in their own defense and were prepared to 
fight. That is the central lesson of the Ukraine war for Japan.”
Indeed,
 Japan is poised to take a remarkable turn in its defense posture in 
many ways beyond just new hardware and increased spending. This month, 
the Defense Ministry is also expected to announce an increase of its 
cybersecurity team to 20,000 by 2027, up from the current 800, staffing 
up the government to close major gaps in its cybersecurity capabilities.
Japan
 is also considering making it easier for the Self-Defense Forces to use
 civilian ports and airports in peacetime, a further reflection of its 
concerns over readiness in case of conflict.
Nakashima reported from Washington. Julia Mio Inuma in Tokyo contributed to this report.
Michelle Ye Hee Lee is The Washington Post's Tokyo bureau chief, covering Japan and the Korean peninsula.   Ellen
 Nakashima is a national security reporter with The Washington Post. She
 was a member of two Pulitzer Prize-winning teams, in 2018 for coverage 
of Russia's interference in the 2016 election, and in 2014 and for 
reporting on the hidden scope of government surveillance.