[Salon] WHAT DID THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION REALLY THINK ABOUT CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS?
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- From: Chas Freeman <cwfresidence@gmail.com>
- Date: Wed, 6 Jul 2022 11:37:20 -0400
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WHAT DID THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION REALLY THINK ABOUT
CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS?
BY
ALLAN C. BROWNFELD
——————————————————————————————————————————
Two
recent Supreme Court decisions have produced much discussion about the
question of church-state relations and the place of religion in the
American society. In one case, the Court overruled a school board in
Washington state which it said discriminated against a football coach
when it disciplined him for post-game prayers at midfield. The Court
said his prayers are protected by the Constitution’s guarantee of free
speech and religious exercise.
In
another case, Carson v. Makin, there was a challenge to how the state of
Maine made public education available to high school students in
sparsely populated school districts. Previously, the state provided
public funds to such students to attend a distant school of their
choice—-but refused funding to those who wished to attend a sectarian
school. A group of parents who wanted to send their children to
sectarian schools sued, claiming that Maine’s law violated the Free
Exercise clause of the First Amendment by treating religious persons and
groups differently than their secular counterparts. In a 6-3 decision,
the Supreme Court agreed. Chief Justice John Roberts declared that,
“The state pays for tuition for certain students at certain private
schools—so long as the schools are not religious. That is
discrimination against religion…The program operates to identify and
exclude otherwise eligible schools on the basis of their religious
exercise.”
Religion and its place in
America has been a subject of consideration since the earliest
beginnings of the new nation. There was nothing like the First
Amendment anyplace in the world—-guaranteeing religious freedom and
establishing separation of church and state. Elsewhere, Catholics were
mistreated in Protestant countries, Protestants had few rights in
Catholic countries, and Jews faced discrimination in both. In America,
your religion was a private matter and the state could not interfere.
But that did not mean that religion had no role to play in the new
nation.
When Thomas Jefferson wrote the
Declaration of Independence, he appealed to God as the source of our
liberty, not to man, the state, or any group of men. This is clear at
the beginning of the document: “We hold these truths to be self-evident
, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their
creator with certain inalienable rights , that among these are life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”
On
November 1, 1777 there was the first real Proclamation of Thanksgiving
by the Congress. George Washington, whose army was at Valley Forge,
referred to the Proclamation of the Continental Congress in his orderly
book: “Tomorrow being the day set apart by the honorable Congress for
public Thanksgiving and praise, and duty calling us devoutly to express
our grateful acknowledgements to God for our manifold blessings, the
general directs that the army remain in its present quarters, and that
the chaplains perform divine services with their several corps and
brigades, and earnestly exhorts all officers and soldiers whose absence
is not indispensably necessary to attend with reverence.”
Benjamin
Franklin, considered one of the most skeptical of the Founders
concerning religion, is reported by James Madison in his “Notes” to have
made the following proposal on June 28, 1787 before the Continental
Congress: “I have lived, Sir, a long time, and the longer I live, the
more convincing proofs I see of this truth—-that God governs in the
affairs of men…I therefore beg leave to move that henceforth prayers
imploring the assistance of Heaven, and and its blessing on our
deliberations, be held in this Assembly every morning before we proceed
to business, and one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to
officiate in that service.”
During
the administration of Thomas Jefferson, who was president from 1801 to
1809, the Capitol was used for religious services. These were generally
held in the main hall of the old Senate wing, where both houses met
prior to the completion of the House wing. It is said that the
president himself frequently attended, that the Marine band played and
that there were preachers from not only the Orthodox Protestant churches
but also from Quakers, Roman Catholics and Unitarians.
In
1796, George Washington pointed out the importance of religion as
regards the state in his Federal Address. He said: “Of all the
dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and
Morality are indispensable supports.”
James
Madison opposed paying chaplains , whether in Congress or in the Army
or Navy, not because of having services for these groups, but to their
being conducted as a function of government and paid for by public
funds. He wrote: “The establishment of the Chaplainship to Congress is
a palpable violation of equal rights as well as Constitutional
principles…Why should the expense of religious worship for the
Legislature be paid for by the public, more than that for the Executivd
or Judicial branches of government?”
Religion——and
religious diversity—-played a major role for the Founding Fathers. At
his inauguration in April 1789, after his inaugural address at New
York’s old city hall, George Washington and those attending the
inauguration marched to St. Paul’s Chapel for a religious service
presided over by Samuel Provost, the Episcopal Bishop of New York.
Among those in the inaugural group was Rabbi Moses Seixas of Shearith
Israel Congregation, which had been established in 1654. Later, in a
letter to the Hebrew Congregation in Newport, Rhode Island, Washington
made clear that in the United States, “Happily, all possess alike
liberty of conscience.”
The National
Seal of the United States shows the eye of Providence on its reverse—-a
pyramid representing the thirteen original colonies in the all seeing
eye of Jehovah is surrounded by a cloud of glory symbolizing the
protecting Divine Providence.
There
was, however, no unanimity even at that time as to what the role of
government in regard to religion was to be. James Madison, for example,
opposed the incorporation by the federal government of religious
institutions, believing that such action would tend to break down the
“wall of separation between church and state.” He extended his views
concerning freedom of religion to exclude the teaching of religion in
public institutions. Writing to Edward Everett of Massachusetts about
the position of religion in public institutions and universities, he
evidently had the experience of the University of Virginia in mind:
“There seems to be no alternative but between a public university
without a theological professorship and the sectarian seminaries without
a university.”
In laying his plans for
the University of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson adopted a different
approach from that of his fellow advocate of religious freedom, James
Madison. Jefferson wrote: “The proof of the being of God, the Creator,
Preserver, and Supreme Ruler of the Universe, the author of all the
relations of morality, and the laws and obligations which these infer
will be in the province of the professor of Ethics.”
Jefferson
believed that civil liberties in the last analysis were dependent upon
the Creator: “Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we
have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the
people that these liberties are the gifts of God?”
Those
today who want government to be neutral between religion and secularism
or atheism seem to misunderstand the thinking of the Framers of the
Constitution on this question. In 1787, we were emerging from a
situation in which each colony had an established church, or barring
this had given several religious groups a preferred place and status.
The era was one in which the very concept of religious freedom was a
revolutionary one. For Madison to propose the First Amendment was an
important step forward. To say that he meant to place government in a
“neutral” position —-as against religion on the one hand and secularism
or agnosticism on the other—-is hardly borne out by the facts. The
intention of Madison, Mason and Jefferson seems to have been that
government be neutral about endorsing any particular religion— but not
neutral about religion and a belief in God itself.
The
historical evidence points to the fact we are largely a religious
nation . Madison, Jefferson, Adams and other founders of the Republic
and authors of the Constitution thought a great deal about religious
questions. Jefferson, hardly an orthodox Christian, believed our rights
come from “the Creator.” All believed that religion and society went
hand in hand. And could not be separated. Each believed in religious
freedom, but none believed in an absence of the atmosphere of belief in
God from our public life.
As
the discussion over the Supreme Court’s most recent decisions
concerning religion and church-state relations indicates, the debate
Jefferson, Madison and other framers of the Constitution had, still
continues, and is likely to continue into the future. Removing the idea
of God from public life was certainly not the agenda of the Founding
Fathers. They broke new ground in providing religious freedom and
ensuring religious neutrality, but did not intend to remove God, who
they viewed as the author of our liberty, from society.
We
live at a time when our society seems to be unraveling. Mass shootings
dominate the news. Members of Congress receive hundreds of death
threats. Democrats and Republicans view themselves as enemies, not
friendly rivals engaged in a common enterprise. Civility, which is
necessary for a democracy to endure, is disappearing. Reviewing the
history of the role God once played in our society would be a useful
enterprise at this time. The insights of Jefferson, Washington,
Benjamin Franklin, John Adams and others of that era would be useful at
the present time. It is hard to believe that we had leaders like that
at the very beginning of our country. Comparing them to those who have
held political leadership in recent years is not an encouraging
enterprise. Fortunately, we still have the opportunity to learn from
the Founding generation, if only we would.
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