A single tactical nuclear weapon could destroy an airfield, a port,
concentrations of troops and tanks or supply depots. They can be
delivered by aircraft, ballistic and cruise missiles; some can even be
fired from artillery.
Despite being a possible temptation to use by military leaders, no
country has yet broken the seven-decade taboo on the use of nuclear
weapons since the destruction of Nagasaki in 1945.
While nuclear weapon stockpiles are much lower than during the Cold
War, they are still large enough to be able to destroy most of humanity
in a few hours.
Visitors
look at Russian tactical ballistic missile OTR-21 Tochka-U (left),
122mm multiple rocket launcher BM-21 Grad (second from left), tactical
ballistic missile 9K720 Iskander-M (centre) and 300mm multiple rocket
launcher BM-30 Smerch (right) during a military exhibition in 2017
[Anatoly Maltsev/EPA-EFE]
Battlefield nuclear weapons are only the trigger for what most
analysts and politicians fear would be a quick and uncontrolled
escalation to strategic nuclear weapon use and the destruction of
civilisation being the inevitable result of such a conflict.
The inherent danger in the use of even a single nuclear weapon is
that it would likely invite a terrible response from an opposing side in
order to deter the opponent from using more.
It is the response, the attempt to firebreak a nuclear conflict
before it gets started, that is also the mother of all gambles. Get it
wrong and the world could die.
It is this fear that our destruction would be mutually assured (MAD –
mutual assured destruction – military doctrine), that has kept
militaries in check throughout the Cold War up until today.
But, if nuclear weapons are that awful why use them at all?
Russia caught between a rock and a hard place
Russia’s reputation as a great power is in tatters. Its military has been exposed as shockingly inept and methodically brutal.
Russian armed forces have suffered significant defeats. Driven from
the outskirts of the capital, Kyiv, early in the invasion, Ukraine’s
successful counteroffensive is now driving Russian units from the towns
they had initially captured in the northeast.
Russia’s flagship Moskva – a guided missile carrier – has been sunk;
Snake island was recaptured from its Russian occupiers, the Kerch Strait
bridge linking Crimea and Russia was badly damaged, and now Ukrainian
forces are encroaching on a pocket of Russian forces, centred around
Kherson city in the south. Ukraine is squeezing it daily and shrinking
its perimeter as the tens of thousands of Russians there are
increasingly cut off from the likelihood of resupply.
This is Russia’s disastrous legacy in the conflict so far. President Putin has few choices left other than to admit defeat.
The call-up of 300,000 Russian reservists, a psychological shock to
Russians and the first such call-up since World War II, has yet to make
itself felt on the battlefields of Ukraine.
Russian
military conscripts receive uniforms and boots at a conscription point
in downtown Moscow, Russia in 2010 [File: Mikhail Metzel/AP]
Will they be enough in themselves to turn the tide against Ukrainian
troops? While the arrival of large numbers of Russian reinforcements is
not insignificant, there are persistent reports of poor equipment and a
lack of warm clothing.
Though battle-hardened, Ukrainian forces are also nearing exhaustion after months of constant combat.
If Putin’s latest plan fails, he can either go for mass conscription,
which will likely cause civil unrest, or further denude his armies in
the east of the country. Able to send tens of thousands of troops to
participate in September’s Vostok military exercises during a war, the
Russian president clearly still has significant resources at his
disposal.
However, Ukraine has learned the harsh lessons of 21st-century
warfare while Russia is still mired in the past, its poorly trained
soldiers so far being no match for the Ukrainians.
It is at this juncture that nuclear weapons’ use would be the most likely, if it were to happen at all.
Three possible scenarios for Russian nuclear weapons use:
The first, and perhaps least likely, is an actual nuclear strike
against an obvious military target on Ukrainian soil. It would be
somewhere relatively unpopulated in an effort to minimise the spread of
radiation, an air burst over an air base or a concentration of troops.
Not only would this be relatively ineffectual given the dispersed
nature of Ukrainian forces, but it could likely invite an immediate and
significant reprisal attack directly by the United States and NATO
forces.
The dangers of escalation are all too grim and obvious.
The second scenario would be a demonstration over the Black Sea in
international waters. While a massive pollutant and still risky, it
would not be the obvious trigger for a NATO response and potential
escalation could still be stopped at that level.
The third, and perhaps most likely use of any Russian nuclear weapon
would be to conduct a test on Russian soil, on one of the old Soviet
nuclear test sites in the north, like Novaya Zemlya. Though breaking the
Test Ban Treaty on atmospheric testing, it would be unlikely to invite a
military response from NATO.
Such a test would remind the world that Russia has other means at its disposal
in the form of terrifying weapons, that its humiliation will only go so
far, and it is resolved to use them if Russia is not allowed to
extricate itself from this conflict with something that does not look
like total defeat – a 50kt bargaining chip, with megatonnes in reserve.
Whichever scenario is played out, the detonation of a nuclear weapon
would likely trigger panic around the world followed by civil disorder
as cities empty. There would also be chaos on global stock markets as
currencies and stocks plunge in value.
What is the likelihood that such a weapon would be used?
While still low, for the first time in decades the probability that nuclear weapons could be used is not zero.
No one has anything to gain from nuclear conflagration.
But an embattled Putin may feel he is being forced to make a desperate gamble.
His high-risk use of one of the few tools left available to him could
help stop a war, his war, from ending in total defeat for Russia,
allowing its forces to leave the battlefield beaten but not completely
broken.