[Salon] The MbS no show



The MbS no show

Summary: there was a flurry of suggestions that the Saudi crown prince would come to London for the Queen’s funeral but in the end he didn’t show up while other senior Gulf dignitaries did. 

We thank Kristian Coates Ulrichsen for today’s newsletter. Kristian is a Middle East fellow at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy in Houston, Texas. His most recent book, published by Hurst is Qatar and the Gulf Crisis.  In addition to writing for the newsletter, he is a regular guest on the Arab Digest podcast. You can find his podcast from  last week, 16 September, here.

The funeral service for Queen Elizabeth II provided an opportunity for members of royal families around the world to gather in London on 18-19 September before many of them went on to New York for the annual meeting of the United Nations General Assembly. From the Arab Gulf states, two heads of state attended the funeral at Westminster Abbey – Sultan Haitham of Oman and Emir Tamim of Qatar – as well as two crown princes – Prince Salman of Bahrain and Sheikh Ahmad of Kuwait – and one vice-president – Mohammed bin Rashid of the UAE, also the Ruler of Dubai. The high-level turnout was indicative of the long and close links, historical and current, between the royal family in the United Kingdom and the ruling families in the Gulf, cemented through institutions such as the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and shared interests in horse-racing.

One notable absentee from the lineup of senior Gulf royals in London was Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia. The days preceding the Queen’s funeral saw some confusion over whether the crown prince had been invited or who from the Saudi royal family would represent the Kingdom, given King Salman’s frailty. A list of likely royal attendees circulated on Twitter by a Daily Telegraph journalist on 16 September sparked comment for the fact that it referred very specifically to ‘Salman of Saudi Arabia’ (whereas every other royal was referred to not by name but by title) which led to some speculation that this was a way to indicate that the invitation was non-transferrable (the list also suggested that the UAE would be represented by its president, Mohammed bin Zayed, Ruler of Abu Dhabi, which turned out to be erroneous).


Prince Turki bin Mohammed (4th row from front, left of pic) attends the funeral of Queen Elizabeth II on behalf of King Salman [photo credit: SPA]

Suggestions that Mohammed bin Salman might return to the U.K. for the first time since March 2018 – when he met with the Queen as well as with then-Prime Minister Theresa May five months before the killing of Jamal Khashoggi inside the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul put the brakes on the Crown Prince’s burgeoning international profile – began with a CNN Arabic report on 15 September, based on a ‘source close to the Saudi royal family’ which stated that the Crown Prince would travel to London on 18 September to offer condolences to King Charles III and then return to Saudi Arabia before the funeral the next day. Articles in British media outlets, such as the Guardian and Sky News appeared to corroborate the CNN report although they too were based on anonymous sources. On 17 September, the BBC’s respected security correspondent, Frank Gardner, whose reporting of and contacts in the Gulf go back three decades, stated that ‘sources close to the Saudi Embassy’ in London had confirmed the crown prince’s planned visit to London.

In the event, Mohammed bin Salman did not travel to the U.K. (just as he did not for the COP 26 climate change conference in Glasgow in November 2021, where, again, it had been suggested in advance that he might attend). Prince Turki bin Mohammed Al Saud, a minister of state and member of the Council of Ministers, represented the Kingdom at the funeral, just as his grandfather, then-prince (later King) Fahd, had done at the Queen’s coronation, also in Westminster Abbey, in June 1953. A son of Prince Mohammed bin Fahd, the longstanding former Governor of the Eastern Province, Prince Turki is one of a coterie of younger princes – others include Prince Abdulaziz bin Saud, the Minister of Interior, and Prince Abdullah bin Bandar, the Minister of National Guard – appointed by Mohammed bin Salman as the Crown Prince re-makes networks of authority within the Al Saud among his own generation.

It remains unclear whether Mohammed bin Salman ever considered traveling to London or whether the anonymous sources were floating a trial balloon (to see how reports of a visit played out) or merely indulging in speculation and passing on rumors that were unsubstantiated in fact. The largely negative response to the media articles, which included a comment by Khashoggi’s fiancée, Hatice Cengiz, that ‘The fact that MbS could not attend the funeral is part of justice for Jamal’, indicates that, in Britain at least, the Crown Prince still faces obstacles in rehabilitating his image, his July fist-bump with Joe Biden and summer visits to Greece and France notwithstanding. It also remains unclear whether Mohammed bin Salman will travel to the U.K. (or the U.S.) without the protection accorded by head of state immunity, which he reportedly has sought in the U.S., perhaps mindful of the arrest (and 17 month detention) of General Augusto Pinochet in London in 1998 on the basis of an international arrest warrant and the principle of universal jurisdiction.

Whether (or not) Mohammed bin Salman is able or willing to visit the U.K. or the U.S. may be immaterial in Saudi thinking given that in the past year Western leaders have, for the first time since 2018, shown that they are prepared to meet him in Saudi Arabia. The process of bringing the Crown Prince back in from the diplomatic cold began with a visit by Emmanuel Macron to Jeddah in December 2021 and gathered pace after oil prices soared in the runup to and aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February. In March, Boris Johnson met Mohammed bin Salman in Riyadh in a bid to secure Saudi assistance in stabilizing energy markets in a trip overshadowed by the largest mass execution (of 81 people) in modern Saudi history three days earlier. Shadows have also formed over Biden’s much-trumpeted July summit with Mohammed bin Salman and other regional leaders in Jeddah owing to smaller-than-hoped (and subsequently reversed) increases in OPEC+ oil output and a spate of decades-long prison sentences imposed on Saudi women.

Mohammed bin Salman has re-emerged as a regional figure of standing; that much is clear in the way he was front-and-center at the Gulf Cooperation Council’s ‘reconciliation’ summit at Al-Ula in January 2021, which ended the rift with Qatar, exchanged high-profile visits with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in April and June this year, and ventured into the European Union for the first time post-Khashoggi when Greece and France rolled out the red carpet for him in the summer. The fact that Johnson and Biden both felt compelled to meet him in Saudi Arabia is indicative of the greater leverage the Kingdom is perceived to wield, for the time being, at least, but Saudi Arabia’s markedly lower level of representation at the Queen’s funeral, vis-à-vis its GCC peers, illustrate the continuing sensitivity in fully integrating Mohammed bin Salman back into the fold.


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