Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, May 2023, pp. 20, 51
THE BDS (boycott, divestment and sanctions) movement’s dream is rapidly materializing. A key manager in one of the country’s investment firms told me this week that the rate of money leaving his office and going overseas is currently 10 million shekels a day ($2.76 million), and growing.
This person, who has always stayed away from politics and current events, is now walking around crestfallen. Politics have invaded his office. Anyone who, as I did, believed that it’s all talk and fearmongering was proven wrong. What is happening now is exactly what the international movement advocating a boycott of Israel wanted to achieve, but in another cause. What is happening may prove that the BDS movement was right all along: Only through money will it be possible to change Israel’s policy. Hit it in the pocket; the BDS weapon is the most effective one.
The greatest achievement of the protest movement against the judicial upheaval thus far is its success in intimidating and driving to action a substantial proportion of Israelis, as well as most of the rest of the world. What the BDS movement and human rights organizations failed to do in the name of crimes and malfeasance, the protest movement succeeded in doing in the name of combating what it calls the end of democracy. This caught on like fire. It wasn’t the intifadas and wars, the descriptions of the horrors and laments, not the resolutions of international institutions or the United States which managed to evoke such a storm. A month and a half of preliminary legislation is what did the trick.
This is how the supporters of a boycott on Israel wanted things to unfold: a withdrawal of investments from Israel, a boycott of Israel’s economy culminating in international opposition, up to the imposition of sanctions. It did not work against the occupation. BDS chalked up some achievements in changing attitudes. It was the only game in town, the only movement which did not make do with empty condemnations, calling instead for concrete action against an apartheid state. However, its economic achievements were minuscule, with a singer cancelling a performance here, a pension fund fabricating a withdrawal there, with Israel continuing to flourish and prosper unhindered, to the dismay of human rights advocates. No price was paid for the crimes of the occupation or for the arrogant, insolent thumbing of the country’s nose at international law.
Yet, everyone knew that without practical steps, the occupation would never end. With Israelis not paying a price for the occupation and its crimes, as individuals and as a collective, there would be no incentive to end it. Up to a few weeks ago it seemed as if this would never happen.
And now it’s happening, even if for the wrong reasons. Even if it’s for unintended reasons, some good may come of it. It’s surprising that the weakening of the justice system, which was apartheid-friendly in its characteristics, is the factor that caused the world and some Israelis to wake up. But by now it’s clear that the only thing that might stop the legislative stampede is economic damage to the country. Israelis taking their money out and international players not investing here constitute a game changer. Demonstrations, noisy and clamorous as they may be, will quickly dissipate and go the way of all protests. Petitions and letters will fade. Only the economic damage will pile up. This is the only thing which may stop the erosion. This is what happened in South Africa, when the leaders of the business community told the government that they cannot go on anymore, and this is what will happen here with the judiciary revolution. Only through money.
One should obviously not become immersed in illusions. The link between the protests and the fight against apartheid is tenuous. Most protesters will make do with a cancellation of the clause allowing the Knesset to overrule court rulings and with the addition of public representatives to the committee for appointing judges, and will be completely satisfied when Binyamin Netanyahu steps down. As far as they’re concerned, apartheid can continue.
But one may hope that the convulsion won’t be able to stop at the status quo ante. The tempest may reshuffle many cards on its course. When Israelis start paying for the follies of their leaders, they might find the time to reconsider the greatest folly of all: the apartheid state they live in, paying for it with the blood of their sons and with the image of their country. Only then will a new dawn break.
Gideon Levy is an Israeli journalist and author. This article was first published in Haaretz, Feb. 23, 2023. © Haaretz. Reprinted with permission.