Saudi Arabia has thus
far refused the US request to substantially
increase oil production to
lower its market price and offset the effect
of Western sanctions on Russia. It has
maintained good relations with Moscow and
dragged its feet on supporting Ukraine. Saudi
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s “middle
finger to Washington” has reportedly made him extremely popular in
the region.
Last year, in response to
Biden’s threats to punish Riyadh for its
presumed insolence, the kingdom went on to
host the Chinese president, Xi Jinping for
bilateral talks and the China-GCC and
China-Arab summits. Saudi Arabia then
normalised relations with Iran under Chinese
auspices, just as the West was tightening
sanctions against Tehran, and in a clear snub
to the US, went on to repair ties with Syria.
But this new attitude towards
relations with the US is not only evident in
Riyadh; it is a regional phenomenon. The
United Arab Emirates, another US ally, has
also cultivated closer ties with China,
improved strategic relations with France, and
worked on engaging Iran, Russia and India.
This, at times, has been at the expense of its
relations with the US.
The region as a whole has been
diversifying its global engagement. This is
quite apparent in its commercial relations.
Between 2000 and 2021, trade between the
Middle East and China has grown from $15.2bn
to $284.3bn; in the same period, trade with
the US has increased
only modestly from $63.4bn to $98.4bn.
Six Middle Eastern countries –
among them Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt –
have recently requested to join the
Chinese-led BRICS group, which also includes
Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa. This
is despite the West’s ever-widening sanctions
regime imposed on Russia.
Of course, America has been the
dominant strategic power in the Middle East
the past three decades and remains so today.
But will it be in the next three decades?
In a region where autocratic
regimes and the general public do not agree on
much if anything at all, saying no to America
is a very popular stance because the majority
believes it is a hypocritical imperial power
that pays only lip service to human rights and
democracy.
This is particularly apparent in
US foreign policy on Palestine, which
staunchly and unconditionally supports the
Palestinians’ coloniser and occupier – Israel.
On his visit to Riyadh,
Secretary Blinken will likely put pressure on
Saudi Arabia to normalise relations with Tel
Aviv, hoping to lower its asking price, which
reportedly includes a nuclear civilian
programme and major security assurances.
The UAE, Bahrain, Morocco and
Sudan have already normalised relations with
Israel at the expense of the Palestinians in
return for American concessions, such as the
sale of US-made F-35s to Abu Dhabi, US
recognition of Moroccan claims over Western
Sahara, and the lifting of US sanctions on
Khartoum. All so that the Israeli government
does not have to make any “concessions” of its
own and end its decades-long occupation of
Palestine.
But the Palestinian cause, which
is quite close to the heart of ordinary Arabs,
is not the only issue that has convinced the
Arab public that America is a duplicitous
power that should be kept at a distance.
Thanks to satellite television
and social media platforms, people of the
region saw with their own eyes US crimes in
Iraq and its humiliation in Afghanistan, and
do not think of it as a guardian of
civilisation, let alone an invincible power.
The balance sheet of US interventions in the
Middle East over the past 20 years since the
9/11 attacks is firmly not in its favour.
No wonder that in a 2022 poll
conducted by the Doha-based Arab Center for
Research and Policy Studies in 14 Arab
countries, 78 percent of respondents believed
that the biggest source of threat and
instability in the region was the US. By
contrast, only 57 percent thought of Iran and
Russia in these terms, both of which have had
their own share of dirty work in the region –
from Syria to Iraq and Yemen.
In his aptly titled book, Grand
Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American
Ambition in the Middle East, former US
official Steven Simon estimates the US
has wasted some $5-7 trillion on wars that
have resulted in the death of millions of
Arabs and Muslims, and the devastation of
their communities. In addition, these
conflicts have killed thousands of US
soldiers, injured tens of thousands and led to
some 30,000 suicides of US veterans.
It is no coincidence then, that
more Middle Easterners (and Americans) agree
that the region’s decoupling from America
and at least some American disengagement
from the region is as desirable as it is
inevitable.
Such a turn of events would
also be terribly consequential with messy
long-term implications for both sides and it
would be determined by whether and how America
chooses to change its foreign policy.
But that’s another discussion
for another day