Opinion  If the United States can spy on China, why can’t China spy on the U.S.?
June 12, 2023    The Washington Post
Washington’s badly frayed relations with China were just starting to recover from the Chinese spy balloon
 that traversed the United States in early February before being shot 
down over the Atlantic Ocean. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who had
 been forced to postpone his trip to Beijing because of all the hot air 
about the balloon flight, had finally rescheduled his visit
 for June 18. Then, last week, came word of a Chinese spy station in 
Cuba. In truth, there is nothing particularly scandalous about the 
latest revelations.
It all began with a Wall Street Journal story
 on Thursday: “Cuba to Host Secret Chinese Spy Base Focusing on U.S.” 
The article reported, citing anonymous U.S. officials “familiar with 
highly classified intelligence,” that “China has agreed to pay 
cash-strapped Cuba several billion dollars to allow it to build the 
eavesdropping station” and described this as a “brash new geopolitical 
challenge by Beijing to the U.S.”
Cue the predictable outrage from Capitol Hill.
“We
 are deeply disturbed by reports that Havana and Beijing are working 
together to target the United States and our people,” said a joint statement
 from the chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, Mark R. Warner 
(D-Va.), and the vice chair, Marco Rubio (R-Fla.). “We must be clear 
that it would be unacceptable for China to establish an intelligence 
facility within 100 miles of Florida and the United States.”
The chair of the House Intelligence Committee, Michael R. Turner (R-Ohio), said in a tweet
 that he was “deeply troubled” by the report and added, “If true, this 
would be yet another act of Chinese aggression.” The No. 3 House 
Republican, Elise Stefanik (N.Y.), cited this
 as further evidence that “[President] Biden has continually allowed 
Communist China to take advantage of his weak leadership and chip away 
at our national security.”
Then on Saturday, the White House said in a statement that  China already had a spy base in Cuba. According to Biden administration officials, they inherited this issue from former president Donald Trump and have been working through diplomatic means to counter Chinese intelligence-gathering in Cuba and elsewhere.
China
 might be upgrading its intelligence presence in Cuba, but the presence 
itself isn’t all that new — or shocking. The Soviet Union had its 
largest overseas listening post
 near Lourdes, Cuba, for decades. The United States was willing to risk 
war to remove Soviet nuclear missiles from Cuba but tolerated those 
signals collection efforts. That’s because Washington has long 
recognized that nations have a right to spy on one another.
Indeed,
 the United States can hardly call out Chinese spying with a straight 
face when the U.S. intelligence community undoubtedly operates the 
largest signals-collection network in the world. Revelations from Edward
 Snowden, the Discord leaks
 and other sources make clear the U.S. National Security Agency vacuums 
up vast amounts of communications from around the globe, spying on 
friends and foes alike.
China
 knows all about U.S. collection efforts — not least because, after the 
establishment of relations between Beijing and Washington in the 1970s, 
China hosted NSA spy stations near its border with the Soviet Union. The
 Kremlin was undoubtedly unhappy about Project Chestnut but had to live with it.
Nowadays,
 the United States regularly cooperates in intelligence-gathering on 
China with allies such as Australia and New Zealand and sends its own 
surveillance aircraft near Chinese airspace. After a Chinese fighter 
aircraft flew too close
 in late May to a U.S. RC-135 aircraft (a signals intelligence platform 
known as the Rivet Joint) flying over the South China Sea, U.S. 
officials indignantly and rightly complained. But if the United States is allowed to spy near China, why isn’t China allowed to spy near the United States?
“We
 should not be the least bit surprised by the possibility of a Chinese 
listening post in Cuba. The two countries have had an intelligence 
relationship for decades,” Paul Heer, a former U.S. national 
intelligence officer for East Asia, told me. “And any intelligence 
collection the Chinese do from Cuba would be roughly equivalent to U.S. 
collection against China from our Allied listening posts and 
surveillance missions in the Western Pacific.”
Heer
 suggested that “this story is being blown way out of proportion, 
perhaps (or presumably) by folks in Washington who are trying to subvert
 the Biden administration’s efforts to revive engagement with Beijing.”
U.S. relations with Cuba could also suffer collateral damage from the latest revelations. Biden had lifted some Trump-era sanctions,
 but he has not normalized ties with Cuba, which has been under U.S. 
sanctions for more than 60 years. Is it any wonder that Cuba, facing a severe economic crisis
 aggravated by its central planning policies, might look to China for 
financial support? “By leaving most of Trump’s sanctions in place, the 
administration has left the Cubans no choice but to seek foreign patrons
 wherever they can find them if they want to survive,” William 
LeoGrande, a Latin America specialist at American University, told me.
The
 revelations should highlight the need for the United States to lift its
 sanctions and engage with Cuba to offset China’s influence. But, more 
likely, they will have the opposite effect — making it politically 
impossible for Biden to improve relations with Cuba anytime soon.
The bottom line is that we need to be more selective in our outrage. China carrying out genocidal policies against the Uyghurs, crushing freedom in Hong Kong or imprisoning dissidents — that’s truly outrageous. Even sending a spy balloon
 over the United States was unacceptable, although the balloon’s path 
was most likely inadvertent and not a calculated challenge from Beijing.
 China collecting signals intelligence from Cuba might be a cause for 
American discomfort, but it’s no outrage, and it’s no reason to blow up 
efforts to improve relations with Beijing.
Max
 Boot is a Washington Post columnist, a senior fellow at the Council on 
Foreign Relations and the author of “The Road Not Taken: Edward Lansdale
 and the American Tragedy in Vietnam.”  Twitter