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From Mondoweiss.net BLUF:
A "clarion call of fascism,” I would amend this to, with its particular Israeli racism an essential element of this variety of fascism, just as Germany had its particular racism for its German variety of fascism. While Biden and the Democrats acquiesce to this Israeli fascism by their silence or only token objections, the DeSantis/Trump/New Right define themselves as fellow fascists to these by their actual “cheering them on” and providing “material support” to them, as both Trump and DeSantis are so boastful of. And actively sharing and propagating an identical “legal” ideology, now at the center of the “Legal Revolution” underway in Israel by the “Right,” and in the US. Which a comparative political/legal analysis shows, is that first articulated in the US (after Carl Schmitt first, but he in Germany) by Willmoore Kendall and his friend Leo Strauss, in numerous writings which I’ve previously shared. In studying the Radical Right, or “fascism,” Israeli and American together as they are so interconnected with each other as seen with National Conservatism and DeSantis/Trump and the “New Right,” I recommend the analytical method of what is called in counterinsurgency doctrine “Social Network Analysis,” or just “Network Analysis” (https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA486072.pdf). Which Ami Pedahzur explains as relevant to any analysis of the “Radical Right,” in his 2012 book “The Triumph of the Israeli Radical Right” (see attached file). Though he doesn’t use the term “fascist,” his book was published more than 10 years ago before the “mask” concealing Israeli/US fascism had fully been removed, which Trump’s election allowed, in each country, respectively. |
Attachment:
Introduction.pdf
Description: Adobe PDF document
Excerpt from Introduction: Pp. 9-10 In general, when a tough policy on a sensitive issue is made-and it may often correspond with the position of the radical Right-it is in the interest of the more moderate parties to present it to the public in softer and more appealing packaging. By doing so, moderates benefit in two ways. First, they prorpote a popular policy, such as restrictions on immigration. Second, they prevent the radical right-wing parties from racking up political capital.36 In light of these barriers it appears that if we adopt an approach in which political parties are still the key pillars of the contemporary policy making process, we will lose the key to understanding the success of the radical right. The present- day political landscape compels us to adopt a more flexible unit of analysis, namely "the political network."37 Political networks are a subcategory of social network. 8 Due to the lack of an agreed-upon definition for this concept, which only recently made its mark in the academic literature,39 I define the political network as "a loose and dynamic composite composite of political actors whose worldview on various issues overlaps and who frequently come together for the purpose of shaping policies in their their shared ideology.” Networks of this type include a wide range of actors: social movements, special interest groups, political parties, individual members of parliament, and civil servants. The boundaries of political networks are elusive and tend to expand, contract, and change their shapes quite often. Due to this dynamic nature, networks are devoid of both a clear hierarchy and regulations. Consequently, political networks are not easy to delineate. Their structure instead resembles an entangled web of subgroups, each of which has its own characteristics and agendas.40 Political networks thrive in ambiguous settings.41 We akening states that are characterized by expanding areas of "gray" serve as an ideal environment in which networks can operate successfully.42 By gray areas I refer to institutions with overlapping domains of authority, fuzzy legal frameworks, and unclew regulations. Even strong states that enjoy an extensive degree of control oVer their respective societies do not prevent such networks from operating.43 The fluid quality of these networks enables them to easily break through the craks in the barriers of the political process.44 They usually maneuver slowly and elusively, and follow an evolutionary rather than a revolutionary path. Networks operate in many ways.45 To give just two illustrative examples, if a political party that is associated with a network fails to enter policy-making circles, it is possible to mobilize members of other parties who do succeed in getting elected and to collaborate with them in order to advance common goals. No less interesting is the recruitment of bureaucrats who are in positions of influence on policy making, by central actors in the network, and even the installation of civil servants in such positions. In many countries, bureaucrats wield much more power than is customarily attributed to them.46 Unlike elected officials, they spend a considerable part of their career in one ministry; are well-versed in its maze of regulations, and, in situations in which there is a lack of consistency at the elected political level, they become both makers and implementers of policies.47 To sum up, the fluid configuration of the net work and the fact that it is not easy to attribute its different segments and operations to one big political maneuver enables it to slowly permeate the state, operate from within, and cumulatively advance its agenda. Only if we move the camera lens backwards to the point where it is possible to observe the process from a greater distance in terms of both time and space can we grasp how much larger and more powerful is the whole in comparison to the mere sum of its parts. "Today, radical right-wing political networks operate in many parts of the world. However, their success in shaping policies on· the national 'level is still limited.48 Actually, it is impossible to identify recent cases in which they have become the central political force in a given country49-with the exception of Israel.” And with the US "New Right,” in the US. And when you look at it in terms of their “shared ideology,” with Tikvah Fund, Kohelet Forum, National Conservatism, Likud, Kahaneist parties, the Republican Party, and even the Democrats in their present form of a Goldwaterite ideological party, one can see the outline of the "New Fascism,” or as they prefer; the New Right.
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