Banking is a
 confidence trick. Financial history is littered with runs, for the 
straightforward reason that no bank can survive if enough depositors 
want to be repaid at the same time. The trick, therefore, is to ensure 
that customers never have cause to whisk away their cash. It is one that
 bosses at Silicon Valley Bank (svb), formerly America’s 16th-largest lender, failed to perform at a crucial moment.
The fall of svb,
 a 40-year-old bank set up to cater to the Bay Area tech scene, took 
less than 40 hours. On March 8th the lender said it would issue more 
than $2bn of equity capital, in part to cover bond losses. This prompted
 scrutiny of its balance-sheet, which revealed around half its assets 
were long-dated bonds, and many were underwater. In response, deposits 
worth $42bn were withdrawn, a quarter of the bank’s total. At noon on 
March 10th regulators declared that svb had failed.
It might have been a one-off. svb’s
 business—banking for techies—was unusual. Most clients were firms, 
holding in excess of the $250,000 protected by the Federal Deposit 
Insurance Corporation (fdic), a regulator. If the bank failed they faced losses. And svb
 used deposits to buy long-dated bonds at the peak of the market. “One 
might have supposed that Silicon Valley Bank would be a good candidate 
for failure without contagion,” says Larry Summers, a former treasury 
secretary. Nevertheless, withdrawal requests at other regional banks in 
the following days showed “there was in fact substantial contagion”. 
Hence
 the authorities’ intervention. Before markets reopened on March 13th, 
the Federal Reserve and the Treasury Department revealed that Signature 
Bank, a lender based in New York, had also failed. They announced two 
measures to guard against more collapses. First, all depositors in svb and
 Signature would be made whole, and straightaway. Second, the Federal 
Reserve would create a new emergency-lending facility, the Bank Term 
Funding Programme. This would allow banks to deposit high-quality 
assets, like Treasuries or mortgage bonds backed by government agencies,
 in return for a cash advance worth the face value of the asset, rather 
than its market value. Banks that had loaded up on bonds which had 
fallen in price would thus be protected from svb’s fate.
Read more of this package
What’s wrong with the banks
The Fed smothers capitalism in an attempt to save it
For markets Silicon Valley Bank’s demise signals a painful new phase
What the loss of Silicon Valley Bank means for Silicon Valley
These
 events raise profound questions about America’s banking system. 
Post-financial-crisis regulations were supposed to have stuffed banks 
with capital, pumped up their cash buffers and limited the risks they 
were able to take. The Fed was meant to have the tools it needed to 
ensure that solvent institutions remained in business. Critically, it is
 a lender of last resort, able to swap cash for good collateral at a 
penalty rate in its “discount window”. Acting as a lender of last resort
 is one of any central bank’s most important functions. As Walter 
Bagehot, a former editor of The Economist, wrote 150 years ago in
 “Lombard Street”, a central bank’s job is “to lend in a panic on every 
kind of current security, or every sort on which money is ordinarily and
 usually lent.” That “may not save the bank; but if it do not, nothing 
will save it.”
The Fed and Treasury’s 
interventions were the sort which would be expected in a crisis. They 
have fundamentally reshaped America’s financial architecture. Yet at 
first glance the problem appeared to be poor risk management at a single
 bank. “Either this was an indefensible overreaction, or there is much 
more rot in the American banking system than those of us on the outside 
of confidential supervisory information can even know,” says Peter 
Conti-Brown, a financial historian at the University of Pennsylvania. So
 which is it?
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To
 assess the possibilities, it is important to understand how changes in 
interest rates affect financial institutions. A bank’s balance-sheet is 
the mirror image of its customers’. It owes depositors money. Loans 
people owe it are its assets. At the beginning of 2022, when rates were 
near zero, American banks held $24trn in assets. About $3.4trn of this 
was cash on hand to repay depositors. Some $6trn was in securities, 
mostly Treasuries or mortgage-backed bonds. A further $11.2trn was in 
loans. America’s banks funded these assets with a vast deposit base, 
worth $19trn, of which roughly half was insured by the fdic and half was not. To protect against losses on their assets, banks held $2trn of “tier-one equity”, of the highest quality. 
Then interest rates leapt to 4.5%. svb’s
 fall has drawn attention to the fact that the value of banks’ 
portfolios has fallen as a result of the rise in rates, and that this 
hit has not been marked on balance-sheets. The fdic 
reports that, in total, America’s financial institutions have $620bn in 
unrealised mark-to-market losses. It is possible, as many have done, to 
compare these losses with the equity banks hold and to feel a sense of 
panic. In aggregate a 10% hit to bond portfolios would, if realised, 
wipe out more than a quarter of banks’ equity. The financial system 
might have been well-capitalised a year ago, so the argument goes, but a
 chunk of this capitalisation has been taken out by higher rates. 
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The
 exercise becomes more alarming still when other assets are adjusted for
 higher rates, as Erica Jiang of the University of Southern California 
and co-authors have done. There is, for instance, no real economic 
difference between a ten-year bond with a 2% coupon and a ten-year loan 
with a fixed 2% interest rate. If the value of the bond has fallen by 
15% so has the value of the loan. Some assets will be floating-rate 
loans, where the rate rises with market rates. Helpfully, the data the 
researchers compiled divides loans into those with fixed and floating 
rates. This allows the authors to analyse only fixed-rate loans. The 
result? Bank assets would be worth $2trn less than reported—enough to 
wipe out all equity in the American banking system. Although some of 
this risk could be hedged, doing so is expensive and banks are unlikely 
to have done much of it.
But as Ms 
Jiang and co-authors point out, there is a problem with stopping the 
analysis here: the value of the counterbalancing deposit base has not 
also been re-evaluated. And it is much, much more valuable than it was a
 year ago. Financial institutions typically pay nothing at all on 
deposits. These are also pretty sticky, as depositors park money in 
checking accounts for years on end. Meanwhile, thanks to rising rates, 
the price of a ten-year zero-coupon bond has fallen by almost 20% since 
early 2022. This implies the value of being able to borrow at 0% for ten
 years, which is what a sticky, low-cost deposit base in effect 
provides, is worth 20% more now than it was last year—more than enough 
to offset losses on bank assets. 
The 
true risk to a bank therefore depends on both deposits and depositor 
behaviour. When rates go up customers may move their cash into 
money-market or high-yield savings accounts. This increases the cost of 
bank funding, although typically not by all that much. Sometimes—if a 
bank runs into severe difficulties—deposits can vanish overnight, as svb discovered
 in ruinous fashion. Banks with big, sticky, low-cost deposits do not 
need to worry much about the mark-to-market value of their assets. In 
contrast, banks with flighty deposits very much do. As Huw van Steenis 
of Oliver Wyman, a consultancy, notes: “Paper losses only become real 
losses when crystallised.” 
How many 
banks have loaded up on securities, or made lots of fixed-rate loans, 
and are uncomfortably exposed to flighty deposits? Insured deposits are 
the stickiest because they are protected if things go wrong. So Ms Jiang
 and co-authors looked at uninsured cash. They found that if half of 
such deposits were to be withdrawn, the remaining assets and equity of 
190 American banks would not be enough to cover the rest of their 
deposits. These banks currently hold $300bn in insured deposits. 
The
 newfound ability to swap assets at face value, under the Bank Term 
Funding Programme, at least makes it easier for banks to pay out 
depositors. But even this is only a temporary solution. For the Fed’s 
new facility is something of a confidence trick itself. The programme 
will prop up struggling banks only so long as depositors think it will. 
Borrowing through the facility is done at market rates of around 4.5%. 
This means that if the interest income a bank earns on its assets is 
below that—and its low-cost deposits leave—the institution will simply 
die a slow death from quarterly net-interest income losses, rather than a
 quick one brought about by a bank run.
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This
 is why Larry Fink, boss of BlackRock, a big asset-management firm, has 
warned of a “slow-rolling crisis”. He expects this to involve “more 
seizures and shutdowns”. That high interest rates have exposed the kind 
of asset-liability mismatch that felled svb is, he 
reckons, a “price we’re paying for decades of easy money”. Mr 
Conti-Brown of UPenn points out that there are historical parallels, the
 most obvious being the bank casualties that mounted in the 1980s as 
Paul Volcker, the Fed’s chairman at the time, raised rates. 
Higher
 rates have exposed problems in bond portfolios first, as markets show 
in real-time how these assets fall in value when rates rise. But bonds 
are not the only assets that carry risk when policy changes. “The 
difference between interest-rate risk and credit risk can be quite 
subtle,” notes Mr Conti-Brown, as rising rates will eventually put 
pressure on borrowers, too. In the 1980s the first banks to fail were 
those where asset values fell with rising rates—but the crisis also 
exposed bad assets within America’s “thrifts”, specialist consumer 
banks, in the end. Thus pessimists worry banks now failing because of 
higher rates are just the first domino to collapse.
The
 result of all this is that the banking system is far more fragile than 
it was perceived to be—by regulators, investors and probably bankers 
themselves—before the past week. It is clear that smaller banks with 
uninsured deposits will need to raise more capital soon. Torsten Slok of
 Apollo, a private-equity firm, points out that a third of assets in 
America’s banking system are held by banks smaller than svb. All of these will now tighten up lending to try to strengthen their balance-sheets.
That medium-sized banks can be too big to fail is one lesson regulators should learn from svb.
 The episode has upended other parables of post-crisis finance as well. 
“After 2008 investors thought deposits were safe, and market funding was
 risky. They also thought Treasuries were safe and loans were risky,” 
says Angel Ubide of Citadel, a hedge fund. “All of the post-crisis rule 
books were written on that basis. Now the reverse looks to be the case.”
 One parable remains intact, however. Problems in the financial system 
never emerge from the most closely watched places. ■