Democracy—in
its broadest terms—will be on the ballot this November. The fact that
the Republican nomination will almost certainly go to a candidate who
continues to deny the legitimacy of the 2020 election and acted to
overturn those results is, in many ways, hard to believe. Yet, that is
our reality. Not only will that candidate be the Republican nominee, but
he is currently the frontrunner to win the presidential race.
The fact that former President Donald Trump
is in this position speaks volumes about how little regard a huge
portion of the American electorate has for the future of our democracy.
Moreover, his voluminous authoritarian statements and praise of
authoritarian leaders seems to enhance that support, not detract from
it.
President Biden has rightfully pointed to this election being
about preserving our democracy and that being the issue above all
others. He is absolutely correct. However, this issue goes well beyond
Trump and his anti-democratic proclivities. Trump alone cannot overturn
an election or subvert the will of the voters. He needs a full cast of
enablers to achieve that.
TOM BRENNER/AFP via Getty Images
We cannot lose sight of the fact that Trump has
a full cadre of election deniers who continue to expound the notion
that Biden is not a legitimate president and that the 2020 election
results should never have been certified.
What makes the potential
overturning the upcoming 2024 election even more dangerous than 2020 is
that the Republican speaker of the House, Rep. Mike Johnson
(R-LA) is not only an election denier, but a ringleader of that effort.
He has never renounced his claim and has the support of the majority of
his caucus in claiming the last presidential election was illegitimate.
In 2020, it was Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats who controlled the House. While it is unclear which party will control the House when the new Congress
is sworn in on Jan. 3, 2025, it is control of the House between
Election Day 2024 and that date that provides those intent on ensuring a
Trump victory—regardless of the results of the vote—the opportunity to
do so.
In
a recently published and extraordinarily important article published in
the Washington Spectator, political veterans Mark Medish and Joel
McCleary have outlined the real and present danger we face from a House
of Representatives intent on ignoring the integrity of the election
process. Their article, "Dancing in the Dark: Steps to Avoid a
Constitutional Coup in the 2024 election," Medish and McCleary
demonstrate their credentials as true guardians of our democratic
process by getting deep into the mechanics of how an election-denying
Republican speaker could overturn a presidential election, among various
other ways legitimate election results could be illegitimately
overturned.
As Medish and McCleary state: "Good faith can no longer be
assumed. In 2020, current Speaker Mike Johnson, in a purely partisan
act, organized 138 Republican House members who were in the minority to
refuse to certify the election of President Biden, despite state
certifications of the outcome of the vote, and the almost universal
rulings from state and federal courts that it was an honest election."
Now that Republicans are in the majority, with Johnson leading the House, the ability to manipulate an election outcome is far greater.
Medish and McCleary spell out one of the most dangerous scenarios:
The
current House Republican majority is very slim—down to just a few
votes. Because of redistricting rulings in several states, the Democrats
have a real chance of regaining the House majority in the November
election. However, the current election denying Republican majority, in
the days following the November elections, might decide that they are
going to question the results of certain House races that Democrats have
won by close margins. The current Republican majority in the 118th Congress, in preparation for the seating of the 119th
Congress on Jan. 3, could deny certification of enough Democratic
election winners to preserve the Republican majority in the new
Congress. It is generally the old Congress certifies House member
elections so that when the new congressional session begins, Congress
can swiftly move to conduct business.
As Medish and McCleary point
out, there are precedents where a House majority by brute political
force has seated a member of their own party in a disputed election,
despite results that point to a different winner. Essentially a rogue
House could perpetuate itself.
Once the Republicans have
effectively "stolen" the House majority and elected a speaker, the next
step in an election denial process would be, with or without assistance
of a swing-state governor, to refuse to certify the Electoral College
results of certain states on Jan. 6. The recently enacted Electoral
Count Reform Act (the ECRA) raised the number of objectors necessary not
to certify any election, but there are enough election deniers in the
House of Representatives to meet the new threshold. Even if the Senate
were not going to meet that objection threshold, the House refusal to
certify would be enough to assure that no candidate gets a majority in
the Electoral College, thus throwing the presidential race into the
House of Representatives.
According to Medish and McCleary this is
a crucial point. Unlike the Senate, the entire House is elected every
two years, and so it is not a continuous body, and thus its rules must
be essentially re-adopted by each new Congress, according to the
authors' informed House Parliamentarian sources. Thus, there is no
guarantee that a House bent on overturning an election would adopt the
implementing rules of the ECRA, rendering that major reform effort
toothless. In sum, the House is sovereign over the rules it uses to
govern itself.
Once the presidential race is thrown into the
House, a president is chosen on a state-by-state delegation vote, a vote
today that the Republicans would win, and there is very little
likelihood that the state-by-state delegation vote would be changed by
the results of the 2024 election. The long and short is that an
election-denying speaker in the current Congress could manipulate the
certification process of both House members and Electoral College slates
so as to deliver the presidency to Donald Trump.
The key to
preventing the Trumpian efforts at overturning the 2020 election were
the many state and federal court rulings upholding the legitimacy of the
election process. However, the threat from an election-denying House
speaker-led coup is far greater because the House's internal political
processes are not reviewable by the courts. As Medish and McCleary
state, "the majority in the House can make up the rules as they go
without fear of court oversight." What the courts deem as political
issues are simply not subject to judicial review—"the sitting house
majority is free to change or waive previously adopted rules."
It
is naive to think that House Republicans are not focused on how to use
their power to aid and abet a Trump claim that the election was stolen
again. Very recently, Rep. Elise Stefanik
(R-NY), the fourth-ranking Republican in the House, refused to commit
to certifying the results of the November elections. In addition, Rep. Thomas Massie, a Kentucky Republican who did vote to certify the 2020 election told The Hill
"... remember the U.S. House of Representatives is the ultimate arbiter
of whether to certify electors." He added, "that effort {in 2021} was
doomed because Democrats controlled the House and Senate at that time."
As
Medish and McCleary make very clear "we can have no illusion in 2024
about the threat level...The party controlling the speakership has the
potential power to reverse the results of the presidential election and
deliver the White House to itself." There is plenty to worry about in
terms of whether this speaker and this House of Representatives will
turn this republic into a house of cards. We must be prepared to defeat
this scenario—starting by expressing gratitude to Medish and McCleary
for their service in pointing out how real "dancing in the dark" and the
chaos that would follow could become.
Tom Rogers is executive
chairman of Oorbit Gaming and Entertainment, an editor-at-large
for Newsweek, the founder of CNBC and a CNBC contributor. He also
established MSNBC, is the former CEO of TiVo, a member of Keep Our
Republic (an organization dedicated to preserving the nation's
democracy). He is also a member of the American Bar Association Task
Force on Democracy.
The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.