https://www.unz.com/pgiraldi/israels-quest-for-= a-palestinian-free-palestine-continues/

<= b>Israel=E2=80=99s Quest for a Palestinian-free Palestine Continues

US support enables Netanyahu to ignore international pressure<= /div>

Philip Giraldi =E2= =80=A2=C2=A0March 29, 2024

Israel=E2=80=99s plan to expand into an Eretz or =E2=80=9CGreater=E2=80=9D state incorporat= ing large=20 chunks of its neighbors=E2=80=99 land starts with eliminating the pre-1948= =20 inhabitants of a place once known as Palestine. That nearly all of those who think of themselves as Palestinians must be killed or otherwise=20 removed is perhaps reduced to an aphorism, like =E2=80=9CIsrael has a right= to=20 defend itself,=E2=80=9D to absolve the Israeli state and its rampaging army= of=20 any guilt in the process. Indeed, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu=E2=80= =99s=20 ability to avoid any serious consequences for his behavior is=20 remarkable, and it generates further atrocities that might have been=20 unimaginable when the fighting in Gaza started back in October. Al Jazee= ra has reported how Netanyahu is now pushing ahead to formalize what has been referred=20 to as the =E2=80=9Ccolonial project,=E2=80=9D whereby =E2=80=9Cthe appropri= ation of all=20 Palestinian Lands will follow on=E2=80=A6 the outright exclusion of the=20 Palestinian people from their homeland.=E2=80=9D Bibi said in a speech to= =20 supporters that =E2=80=9CThese are the basic lines of the national governme= nt=20 headed by me: The Jewish people have an exclusive and unquestionable=20 right to all areas of the Land of Israel. The government will promote=20 and develop settlement in all parts of the Land of Israel =E2=80=94 in the= =20 Galilee, the Negev, the Golan, Judea and Samaria.=E2=80=9D

Journalist Patrick Lawrence, writing at = Consortium News, recently described how =E2=80=9CIsrael=E2=80=99s savagery in its determina= tion to=20 exterminate the Palestinians of Gaza =E2=80=94 and we had better brace for = what=20 is next on the West Bank of the Jordan =E2=80=94 marks a turn for all of=20 humanity. In its descent into depravity the Zionist state drags the West altogether down with it.=E2=80=9D Indeed, and the United States of America= is=20 the foremost great power to be reduced to the status of a wholly-owned=20 subsidiary of the Jewish state, unable to advance its own interests when confronted by the juggernaut of the so-called Israel Lobby and=20 associated Jewish and Zionist-Christian organizations that have=20 corrupted and controlled American foreign as well as select domestic=20 policies.

Witness what has occurred in the last several weeks when the international=20 community has rallied to end the slaughter and deliberate starvation of=20 largely defenseless Gazan civilians. First came a United Nations=20 Security Council move by the United States, which introduced a resolution calling for, but not demanding, an immediate though possibly temporary=20 cease fire in Gaza. When the resolution came up for a vote it was vetoed by Russia and China. There were several problems with the text as it=20 inevitably sought to give Israel considerable flexibility in managing=20 the situation. It included an admonition that the effort to secure a=20 ceasefire must be =E2=80=9Cin connection with the release of all=20 remaining hostages,=E2=80=9D which is an Israeli demand with the willingnes= s of=20 Israel to participate at all very much dependent on the hostage issue.=20 The resolution allowed the fighting to continue and it put control of=20 the entry and distribution of urgently needed relief supplies under the=20 =E2=80=9Dsecurity=E2=80=9D management of the Israeli army. Then came a Russ= ian and=20 Chinese resolution, approved by all members of the council but the US=20 which =E2=80=9Cabstained.=E2=80=9D The US immediately declared the resoluti= on to be=20 =E2=80=9Cnon-binding=E2=80=9D and while the document was meant to permit a = ceasefire=20 through the end of Ramadan, it has yet to be enacted by Israel which=20 continues to block food and medicine relief shipments and has focused=20 its latest attacks on the few remaining hospitals, killing hundreds more Gazans. Even though the resolution demanded action on the ceasefire and access to relief supplies Israel has ignored it and so has Washington.=20 As only the United States can compel Israel to change course the fact=20 that it continues to fund Israel and provide it with secret shipments of planeloads weapons, without which Netanyahu would be unable to continue his war, speaks for itself in terms of who is controlling whom.

And=20 don=E2=80=99t be fooled by President Joe Biden=E2=80=99s alleged pressure o= n Netanyahu=20 to =E2=80=9Cprotect civilians=E2=80=9D even as Bibi draws up plans with his= war cabinet=20 to invade Gaza=E2=80=99s southernmost Rafah Region, where 1.5 million=20 Palestinians have sought refuge and are now confronted by imminent death with no way out. Biden is responding to opinion polls in the US that=20 indicate that more than half of Americans are = opposed to what Israel is doing in Gaza and the percentage is steadily growing, so he is pretending to have=20 humanitarian impulses and a conscience, neither of which is true, in a=20 cynical effort to support his possible reelection.

To=20 be sure both the White House and Congress, supported by the Jewish=20 dominated media, are totally in Netanyahu=E2=80=99s pocket, something which= he=20 has admitted to publicly more than once, saying that the United States=20 is =E2=80=9Ceasily moved=E2=80=9D by someone like him. But if one really ne= eded proof=20 positive about who is in charge in the US-Israel relationship, one need=20 only look at the recent omnibus federal government budget bill of $1.2 trillion. Activist Pascal Lottaz has taken the time to go=20 through the complete 1,012 page document detailing where the money goes=20 and discusses his findings in a 9 minute podcast on YouTube. Lottaz has confirmed both the immediate cash payment of $3.8 billion in =E2=80=9Ctribute money=E2=80=9D to Israel plus the already reported blocki= ng of any=20 federal government funding of United Nation Relief and Works Agency for=20 Gaza (UNRWA) for at least a year. As UNRWA is the key humanitarian aid=20 agency, the latter is a prohibition completely inconsistent with Biden=E2= =80=99s expressed desire to confront the =E2=80=9Csurging=E2=80=9D humanitarian ai= d crisis for=20 the Gazans who are facing starvation in the context of an active=20 genocide. The prohibition is in spite of the continuing lack of evidence to substantiate Israel=E2=80=99s claims of =E2=80=9Cterrorism support=E2= =80=9D leveled against=20 the UN agency and despite the famine conditions already present in Gaza. In his review of the document, Lottaz has also discovered those and=20 other specific benefits that involve Israel in 10 sections of the bill.

The=20 bill also seeks to protect Israel from accountability under existing or=20 new international law and to limit Palestinian efforts to resist or=20 defend themselves. It requires any organization receiving US funding to=20 show that it is actively taking steps =E2=80=9Cto combat anti-Israel bias= =E2=80=9D and=20 it prohibits any funding to support Palestinian statehood unless it is=20 shown that a list of specified conditions are met including satisfactory =E2=80=9Ccooperation with Israeli security organizations.=E2=80=9D It proh= ibits any=20 funding to the Palestinian Authority if Palestine is granted statehood=20 status by the UN or any UN agency without Israel=E2=80=99s consent. It oddl= y=20 prohibits any security support to the West Bank or Gaza unless it is=20 shown that satisfactory steps are being taken by the Palestinian=20 Authority to =E2=80=9Cend torture and other cruel, inhuman, and degrading= =20 treatment of detainees.=E2=80=9D It should be noted that the Palestinians, = not=20 Israel, are required to end abuse of detainees even though it is Israel=20 that routinely engages in those practices. The detailed sections of the=20 bill expanding on what is blocked or prohibited are as follows:

The=20 bill has passed through Congress, is written into law, and is on its way for Joe Biden=E2=80=99s signature. In other words, the US is willingly=20 complicit in thousands of deaths already plus the impending deaths of=20 some tens of thousands more innocent people. It is funding Israel=E2=80=99s= war=20 of extermination against the Palestinians and is opposed to any attempts by the Palestinians to either defend themselves or their interests as a people. It is shameful and our government is behaving monstrously,=20 controlled by a foreign power that has thoroughly corrupted it. And the=20 rot is spreading throughout our political system to include the death of our own right to freedom of speech. Only last week Governor Greg Abbott of Texas boasted of new legislation to stamp out alleged antisemitism=20 and as criticism of Israel or the behavior of Jews is defined as being=20 antisemitic it is likely that students demonstrating against the Jewish state and in support of Gaza will be=20 expelled from universities and even prosecuted. And it is also reported=20 that the Israel Lobby in the US is busy assembling a war chest of $100 million to fund the removal of politicians and other public=20 figures who are critical of Israel. This is serious stuff that will=20 affect all of us. Time to wake up America!

Philip M. Giraldi, Ph.D., is Executive Director of the Council for the=20 National Interest, a 501(c)3 tax deductible educational foundation=20 (Federal ID Number #52-1739023) that seeks a more interests-based U.S.=20 foreign policy in the Middle East. Website is councilforthenationalinterest.org, addre= ss is P.O. Box 2157, Purcellville VA 20134 and its email is infor= m@cnionline.org.

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Several Chinese students and company employees have recently been subjected to =E2=80=9Cunwarranted interrogations and harassment =E2=80=9D by US airport law enforcement officers, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on its WeChat account on Friday. Their phones, computers and other luggage items were searched piece by piece, and several people were banned from entering the country, it said. Americans studying in China are safe despite US travel advisory, scholars say =E2=80=9CThe ministry and the Chinese embassy and consulates in the US have= lodged a solemn representation to the US, and we remind those who plan to travel to the US to be aware of these situations,=E2=80=9D it said, advising Chine= se nationals in need of help to contact their embassy or consulate. Since November, at least eight Chinese students with valid documents have been searched, interrogated or sent back just from Washington Dulles International Airport alone, according to a tally by Chinese media. In January, China Science Daily, a newspaper affiliated with the Chinese Academy of Sciences, reported that a biological sciences PhD candidate was deported by officials at Dulles airport in December as she was trying to return to the US to continue her studies. =E2=80=98Stop harassing=E2=80=99 Chinese students at the border for no reas= on, China tells US The report said the student was subjected to a body search and spent eight hours in an interrogation room followed by 12 hours in solitary confinement= . When she returned to China, she learned of 10 other Chinese students who had similar experiences. The students were mainly interrogated on their undergraduate scholarships from the China Scholarship Council and their involvement in confidential research, the newspaper said. On March 8, Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning said the US has disrupted personnel exchanges between the two countries, violating the consensus reached by the heads of states. She called the incidents =E2=80=9Cpolitical and discriminatory law enforcement=E2=80=9D and said the= y were caused by the =E2=80=9Ccold war mentality=E2=80=9D of some people in the US. Last month, ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said US authorities were =E2=80=9Cweaponising=E2=80=9D academic research, overextending the concept = of national security, persecuting Chinese students, and =E2=80=9Cpoisoning=E2=80=9D the= atmosphere of bilateral people-to-people exchanges. Politics, red tape and job worries could slow China=E2=80=99s foreign stude= nt rebound In recent months, the two countries have pledged to encourage educational and other exchanges. In November, while on a visit to the US, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced China would invite 50,000 young Americans to study in the next five years. This week, Xi met representatives from the US business community, academia and policy circles. He noted that the =E2=80=9CChina-US relationship is one of the most important bilateral relationships in the world=E2=80=9D = and expressed hope that people from all sectors in both countries could take part in more visits and exchanges. Following that meeting, Chinese Minister of Education Huai Jinpeng met Stephen Schwarzman, chairman of investment management company Blackstone Group, and his delegation in Beijing on Thursday. Huai stressed that the ministry would encourage top universities in both China and the US to increase student exchanges and increase high-level cooperation. --000000000000137be70614fb38a4 Content-Type: text/html; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

https://www.scm= p.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3257317/china-issues-travel-advisory-cit= izens-visiting-us-warning-unwarranted-interrogations-and-harassment

China issues travel= advisory to citizens visiting the US, warning of =E2=80=98unwarranted inte= rrogations and harassment=E2=80=99

Beijing urges citizens to prepare for =E2=80=98unexpected situations=E2=80=99 afte= r Chinese=20 students and workers are questioned and deported from American airports

Chinese foreign ministry says it= has lodged formal protest with Washington over the situation

Phoebe Zhang

30 Mar 2024

<= /div>

China issued a travel advisory for citizens visiting the United States, asking them to take safety=20 precautions and to be prepared for =E2=80=9Cvarious unexpected situations= =E2=80=9D, such as being searched.

Several Chinese students and company employees have recently been subjec= ted to =E2=80=9Cunwarranted interrogations and harassment=E2=80=9D by US airport law enforceme= nt officers, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on its WeChat account on = Friday.

Their phones, computers and other luggage items were searched piece by piece, and several people were banned from entering the country, it said.

Americans studying in China are saf= e despite US travel advisory, scholars say

=E2=80=9CThe ministry and the Chinese embassy and consulates in the US have lodged a solemn representation to the US, and we remind those who plan to travel to the US to be aware of these situations,=E2=80=9D it said, advising Chin= ese=20 nationals in need of help to contact their embassy or consulate.

Since November, at least eigh= t Chinese students with valid documents have been searched, interrogated or= sent back just from Washington Dulles International Airport<= /a> alone, according to a tally by Chinese media.

In January, China Science Daily, a newspaper affiliated with the Chinese=20 Academy of Sciences, reported that a biological sciences PhD candidate=20 was deported by officials at Dulles airport in December as she was=20 trying to return to the US to continue her studies.

=E2=80=98Stop harassing=E2=80=99 Chinese students at the border f= or no reason, China tells US

The report said the student was subjected to a body search and spent eight=20 hours in an interrogation room followed by 12 hours in solitary=20 confinement.

When s= he returned to China, she learned of 10 other <= span class=3D"gmail-css-0 e1qbu6wp0">Chinese students who had similar experiences. The students were mainly interrogated on=20 their undergraduate scholarships from the China Scholarship Council and=20 their involvement in confidential research, the newspaper said.

On March 8, Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning said the US has=20 disrupted personnel exchanges between the two countries, violating the=20 consensus reached by the heads of states. She called the incidents=20 =E2=80=9Cpolitical and discriminatory law enforcement=E2=80=9D and said the= y were caused by the =E2=80=9Ccold war mentality=E2=80=9D of some people in the US.

<= div class=3D"gmail-css-1jyke50 e1cwk53e0">

Last month, ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said US authorities were=20 =E2=80=9Cweaponising=E2=80=9D academic research, overextending the concept = of national=20 security, persecuting Chinese students, and =E2=80=9Cpoisoning=E2=80=9D the= atmosphere=20 of bilateral people-to-people exchanges.

Politics, red tape and job worries = could slow China=E2=80=99s foreign student rebound

<= p class=3D"e15kmbpe0 gmail-css-1c6uqr6 e1346ty31">In recent months, the two countries have pledged to encourage educational=20 and other exchanges. In November, while on a visit to the US, Chinese=20 President Xi Jinping announced China would invite 50,000 young Americans to study in the next five years.

This week, Xi met representatives from = the US business community, academia and policy circles. He noted that the = =E2=80=9CChina-US relation= ship is one of the most important bilateral relationships in the world=E2=80=9D= and=20 expressed hope that people from all sectors in both countries could take part in more visits and exchanges.

Following that meeting, Chinese Minister of Education Huai Jinpeng met Stephen=20 Schwarzman, chairman of investment management company Blackstone Group,=20 and his delegation in Beijing on Thursday. Huai stressed that the=20 ministry would encourage top universities in both China and the US to=20 increase student exchanges and increase high-level cooperation.

--000000000000137be70614fb38a4-- From cwfresidence@gmail.com Sun Mar 31 15:09:37 2024 Return-Path: X-Original-To: salon@mlm2.listserve.net Delivered-To: salon@mlm2.listserve.net Received: from mlm0.listserve.net (mlm0.listserve.net [161.35.233.68]) by mlm2.listserve.net (Postfix) with ESMTP id C80EEB0851 for ; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 15:09:37 -0700 (PDT) DKIM-Filter: OpenDKIM Filter v2.11.0 mlm2.listserve.net C80EEB0851 Authentication-Results: mlm2.listserve.net; dkim=pass (2048-bit key) header.d=gmail.com header.i=@gmail.com header.b="gljELj+W" Received: by mlm0.listserve.net (Postfix) id B5B28BD009; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 15:09:37 -0700 (PDT) Delivered-To: salon@listserve.com Received: from mail-ej1-f42.google.com (mail-ej1-f42.google.com [209.85.218.42]) by mlm0.listserve.net (Postfix) with ESMTPS id 8F291BD006 for ; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 15:09:37 -0700 (PDT) Received: by mail-ej1-f42.google.com with SMTP id a640c23a62f3a-a46cd9e7fcaso441184766b.1 for ; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 15:09:37 -0700 (PDT) DKIM-Signature: v=1; a=rsa-sha256; c=relaxed/relaxed; d=gmail.com; s=20230601; t=1711922976; x=1712527776; darn=listserve.com; h=to:subject:message-id:date:from:mime-version:from:to:cc:subject :date:message-id:reply-to; bh=ChbqH4s66m3dNiro/E5B2PSlGctlXCenpYQeV6F3e54=; b=gljELj+WvlptHe2+jTPuufvsGqkHXjLDeo7ehjcu+T+zj2tepQLAjNdMpnvsUrPUP5 eUc/31JbJowrs21X2mgRHyaogWNij7cB7dsJ24xKBnlVpdw4tLiChHNoasFDaS7F73bO vk8v47oggzzEnJRuvjor2Bn5fM5pIbwQSIyMnekIifpEqBJEcdDXVxA2Fe3x1Pq0Wihy UscMa9DoIAyk+egXKIj+ipRYKikV80HJ1TiJjgHjtAripTiLCnN/ClyrNAqEyclrveuq mxHigF2XwQMvT/jgxVjbMtRNrEtn+ab1/cpbujOqUoDDfqHYDnNpAGl4aQwXb+flVUmy VOaA== X-Google-DKIM-Signature: v=1; a=rsa-sha256; c=relaxed/relaxed; d=1e100.net; s=20230601; t=1711922976; x=1712527776; h=to:subject:message-id:date:from:mime-version:x-gm-message-state :from:to:cc:subject:date:message-id:reply-to; bh=ChbqH4s66m3dNiro/E5B2PSlGctlXCenpYQeV6F3e54=; b=qf7FNvxwKPZzRT/sf5X7wM/2Tc/aPKVrdCy37lYSFgn06t6oYa+T1KUX3e8Ctbrlvk /xIbJ39kVzkRd9/E5jvvVHHyEecNnJfwO6P4I7IO17vbEKz0XKb7F0POeD2uydjrPoc8 HfSaHyDef/uhva1KrVU4h3Z68DjIc1DX7xOvk701wLYRRpuIitWsrdiJb4APrD0Mr/Sy 9QGU8s1Xcso8gm7CAxfdwri6GfwukM5fOi6FojJAV+PLg36ODmbGRPPighqT2+r/18xq 2fkwb+0EjgN3U6tMsPz2GVtgI5EQUa3tRJy7usjBg6XgAeZrh5PpdtD7f5DwraLLURqo Zpbg== X-Gm-Message-State: AOJu0Yy1IxWEu8TnXCXBG3WMBHX6QsvfRUwYUzrNyBnrlGHaA7soUzBu /eKhrrRrimdwhpiiI4fJdq3WWWjisq44fYB+ele79mGLTkVzgeCGxq3t99ZRXgB6Kue1tBKB6Io pvZUndzeIIG+gP5fKzjEYiqn0g1p2kzouRoMUTA== X-Google-Smtp-Source: AGHT+IEgdX9ZphhYvAuAResiIP2TH7M3kEINwxr50J1F/uCzT6iEji6bQqz0x0OJvP3gsa4F2mOMPgpomFa0yx/+cc0= X-Received: by 2002:a17:906:4796:b0:a4e:61ac:c3e9 with SMTP id cw22-20020a170906479600b00a4e61acc3e9mr1869134ejc.31.1711922975446; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 15:09:35 -0700 (PDT) MIME-Version: 1.0 From: Chas Freeman Date: Sun, 31 Mar 2024 18:09:37 -0400 Message-ID: To: salon@listserve.com Content-Type: multipart/alternative; boundary="000000000000d5a2750614fc2030" Subject: [Salon] The United States should seek engagement without provocation of China X-BeenThere: salon@listserve.com X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.33 Precedence: list List-Id: Discussion List for the Committee For The Republic List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 31 Mar 2024 22:09:38 -0000 --000000000000d5a2750614fc2030 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable https://eastasiaforum.org/2024/03/31/the-united-states-should-seek-engageme= nt-without-provocation-of-china/ The United States should seek engagement without provocation of China Published: 31 March 2024 Reading Time: 6 mins [image: US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen (L) shakes hands with China's Vice Premier He Lifeng during their meeting at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing on 8 July 2023 (Photo: Reuters/Pedro Pardo).] - David Lampton Johns Hopkins University - Thomas Fingar Stanford University In Brief China is in a phase of its foreign and domestic policy that emphasises an old bundle of policies attaching primacy to regime and national security at the cost of economic growth. At some point, China will move toward its other historical foreign policy bundle emphasising economic growth and more openness. The United States should hold open the door to the second policy package for the indefinite future, while deterring Beijing's most dangerous behaviour in its current policy incarnation. Washington needs to restore credibility to its One China Policy and lower the rhetorical temperature, a formidable challenge in the midst of a presidential election in the United States and when there is a high level of insecurity in Beijing. No foreign policy challenge is more important, or difficult, than finding a way to simultaneously deter and engage China without provoking unwanted behaviours. Achieving this requires understanding the perceptions and priorities shaping Beijing=E2=80=99s actions. Despite China=E2=80=99s worsening economic problems and waning internationa= l trust, the March 2024 session of the National People=E2=80=99s Congress has reaffi= rmed Beijing=E2=80=99s determination to stick with policies fuelling domestic di= scontent and alienating foreign partners. The reasons are structural, not simply strong-man egoism. Policies in China are tightly interconnected, reflect hard-to-change perceptions, reinforced by bureaucratic and personal interests. Changing one facet requires changing the entire policy package. For now, that package prioritises domestic stability and security over economic growth. Beijing has fallen into an old mindset that sacrifices growth to reduce vulnerability to external and internal threats that leaders believe endanger the regime and China=E2=80=99s future. This is not good for China,= the United States or the world. Washington cannot achieve immediate or fundamental changes in China=E2=80=99s behaviour but ill-considered actions= can make things worse. The best we currently can achieve is wary coexistence, careful management to reduce dangers, and keeping the way open for a better day. The current bilateral framework of big power politics and competition is harmful to both countries and to efforts to address global challenges. It is vital to acknowledge that US policy is one of the drivers of Chinese behaviour. The United States should strive for a minimally provocative deterrent posture. The United States should adopt policies that make clear that it hopes for the material progress of China in a cooperative framework and that it will support any resolution of cross-Strait relations peacefully agreed to by the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Eventually, the United States and China will adjust their policies toward mutual accommodation, but this could be well into the future and impose high costs on both nations in the interim. Whenever that new day arrives, it will involve three parallel developments. First, Chinese acceptance that the United States is in Asia to stay. Second, US acceptance that the internal governance of China is a domestic choice of Chinese citizens, not a US change objective. Third, both countries deciding that cooperation to address global challenges is more important than each using the other to justify costly, contested or expedient policies. Currently, prospects for such a meeting of the minds are poor. Leaders in both countries are firming up their internal support by depicting the other as an existential threat. China has blundered by aligning with the world=E2= =80=99s worst actors =E2=80=94 from Russia to North Korea and Iran =E2=80=94 while = the United States has erred by driving Beijing further in the wrong direction. Since at least the 19th century, China has pursued national security and economic modernisation through selective engagement with the West, seeking to acquire technologies that would strengthen China without endangering the domestic system which its elites were determined to preserve. China=E2=80= =99s twin goals of economic modernisation and internal stability are inextricably linked and always pursued in tandem, but circumstances and leadership calculations episodically change the weight given to each objective. Over the centuries, China=E2=80=99s policy options have coalesced into one = of two comprehensive policy bundles. The historically dominant policy bundle prioritises national and regime security over economic growth and is deeply suspicious of outside interference. In such phases China imposes more restrictions on foreign trade, investment, civil society and religion. There is increased emphasis on strong-man rule and ideological indoctrination. This is the China we face today. Conversely, in periods in which internal stability seems more assured and the West is seen as a positive force in economic modernisation, China prioritises the gains to be made through interdependence and openness. Former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping embodied this second policy bundle and President Xi Jinping embraces the first. Until a better day arrives, US strategy needs to hold open the door to the second Chinese policy package, while limiting the damage that the current first policy package does to core US interests. The biggest move the United States could make to influence Chinese behaviour in constructive ways is to get its own governance and economic house in order. Speaking loudly, while carrying a small stick, is provocative. The United States must avoid setting its strategic goals in a way that implies it is trying to keep China eternally weak, divided and isolated, or that regime change is the US goal written in invisible ink. Statements from officials such as Assistant Secretary of Defense for Indo-Pacific Security Affairs, Ely Ratner, suggesting that even peaceful cross-Strait reunification is strategically unacceptable to Washington, undermines the basis for normalisation achieved in 1979. Washington should restate the long-held US position that the use of force in the Taiwan Strait is unacceptable, that the United States is not opposed to peaceful reunification and that ties between the United States and Taiwan are unofficial. One Taiwan, One China is not US policy. Washington needs to stop nibbling around the edges of the One China Policy. The Xi regime is acting as much out of insecurity as it is strength. It also is acting from the belief that the United States is overstretched internationally and divided internally. Washington=E2=80=99s route forward, particularly in the 2024 presidential election year, is to make it clear that US foreign policy goals are not antithetical to the legitimate aspirations of the Chinese people. For its part, Beijing must realise it has blundered in choosing team Russia, Iran and North Korea over countries that fuelled its rise during the four-plus decades of engagement. Beijing needs to get back to a policy of reassurance rather than muscle flexing. *David Lampton is Professor Emeritus of Chinese Studies at the School of Advanced International Studies and Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute, Johns Hopkins University. His most recent book is *Living U.S.-China Relations: From Cold War to Cold War. *Thomas Fingar is Shorenstein APARC Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford University. His most recent China book is *Fateful Decisions: Choices that will Shape China=E2=80=99s Future, *edi= ted with Jean C Oi.* https://doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1711922400 --000000000000d5a2750614fc2030 Content-Type: text/html; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

https://= eastasiaforum.org/2024/03/31/the-united-states-should-seek-engagement-witho= ut-provocation-of-china/

The United States should seek engagement without provocation of China Published: 31 March 2024 Reading Time: 6 mins

David Lampton=C2=A0 Johns Hopkins University=
Thomas Fingar=C2=A0 Stanford University

<= div class=3D"gmail-column gmail-column-summary gmail-col-12 gmail-col-lg-6 = gmail-col-xl-5 gmail-text-regular">

In Brief

China is in a phase of its foreign and=20 domestic policy that emphasises an old bundle of policies attaching=20 primacy to regime and national security at the cost of economic growth.=20 At some point, China will move toward its other historical foreign=20 policy bundle emphasising economic growth and more openness. The United=20 States should hold open the door to the second policy package for the=20 indefinite future, while deterring Beijing's most dangerous behaviour i= n its current policy incarnation. Washington needs to restore credibility to its One China Policy and lower the rhetorical temperature, a=20 formidable challenge in the midst of a presidential election in the=20 United States and when there is a high level of insecurity in Beijing.

No foreign policy challenge is more important, or difficult, than=20 finding a way to simultaneously deter and engage China without provoking unwanted behaviours. Achieving this requires understanding the=20 perceptions and priorities shaping Beijing=E2=80=99s actions.=C2=A0=C2=A0

Despite China=E2=80=99s worsening economic problems and waning internati= onal=20 trust, the March 2024 session of the National People=E2=80=99s Congress has= =20 reaffirmed Beijing=E2=80=99s determination to stick with policies fuelling= =20 domestic discontent and alienating foreign partners. The reasons are=20 structural, not simply strong-man egoism. Policies in China are tightly=20 interconnected, reflect hard-to-change perceptions, reinforced by=20 bureaucratic and personal interests. Changing one facet requires=20 changing the entire policy package. For now, that package prioritises=20 domestic stability and security over economic growth.=C2=A0

Beijing has fallen into an old mindset that sacrifices growth to=20 reduce vulnerability to external and internal threats that leaders=20 believe endanger the regime and China=E2=80=99s future. This is not good fo= r=20 China, the United States or the world. Washington cannot achieve=20 immediate or fundamental changes in China=E2=80=99s behaviour but ill-consi= dered actions can make things worse. The best we currently can achieve is=20 wary coexistence, careful management to reduce dangers, and keeping the=20 way open for a better day.

The current bilateral framework of big power politics and competition is harmful to both countries and to efforts to address global=20 challenges. It is vital to acknowledge that US policy is one of the drivers of Chinese behaviour. The United States should=20 strive for a minimally provocative deterrent posture. The United States=20 should adopt policies that make clear that it hopes for the material=20 progress of China in a cooperative framework and that it will support=20 any resolution of cross-Strait relations peacefully agreed to by the=20 people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Eventually, the United States and China will adjust their policies=20 toward mutual accommodation, but this could be well into the future and=20 impose high costs on both nations in the interim.

Whenever that new day arrives, it will involve three parallel=20 developments. First, Chinese acceptance that the United States is in=20 Asia to stay. Second, US acceptance that the internal governance of=20 China is a domestic choice of Chinese citizens, not a US change=20 objective. Third, both countries deciding that cooperation to address=20 global challenges is more important than each using the other to justify costly, contested or expedient policies.

Currently, prospects for such a meeting of the minds are poor.=20 Leaders in both countries are firming up their internal support by=20 depicting the other as an existential threat. China has blundered by=20 aligning with the world=E2=80=99s worst actors =E2=80=94 from Russia to Nor= th Korea and=20 Iran =E2=80=94 while the United States has erred by driving Beijing further= in=20 the wrong direction.

Since at least the 19th century, China has pursued national security=20 and economic modernisation through selective engagement with the West,=20 seeking to acquire technologies that would strengthen China without=20 endangering the domestic system which its elites were determined to=20 preserve. China=E2=80=99s twin goals of economic modernisation and internal= =20 stability are inextricably linked and always pursued in tandem, but=20 circumstances and leadership calculations episodically change the weight given to each objective.

Over the centuries, China=E2=80=99s policy options have coalesced into o= ne of two comprehensive policy bundles. The historically dominant policy=20 bundle prioritises national and regime security over economic growth and is deeply suspicious of outside interference. In such phases China=20 imposes more restrictions on foreign trade, investment, civil society=20 and religion. There is increased emphasis on strong-man rule and=20 ideological indoctrination. This is the China we face today.

Conversely, in periods in which internal stability seems more assured and the West is seen as a positive force in economic modernisation,=20 China prioritises the gains to be made through interdependence and=20 openness. Former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping embodied this second=20 policy bundle and President Xi Jinping embraces the first.

Until a better day arrives, US strategy needs to hold open the door=20 to the second Chinese policy package, while limiting the damage that the current first policy package does to core US interests. The biggest=20 move the United States could make to influence Chinese behaviour in=20 constructive ways is to get its own governance and economic house in=20 order. Speaking loudly, while carrying a small stick, is provocative.

The United States must avoid setting its strategic goals in a way=20 that implies it is trying to keep China eternally weak, divided and=20 isolated, or that regime change is the US goal written in invisible ink. Statements from officials such as Assistant Secretary of Defense for=20 Indo-Pacific Security Affairs, Ely Ratner, suggesting that even peaceful cross-Strait reunification is strategically unacceptable to Washington, undermines the basis for normalisation achieved in 1979.

Washington should restate the long-held US position that the use of=20 force in the Taiwan Strait is unacceptable, that the United States is=20 not opposed to peaceful reunification and that ties between the United=20 States and Taiwan are unofficial. One Taiwan, One China is not US=20 policy. Washington needs to stop nibbling around the edges of the One=20 China Policy.

The Xi regime is acting as much out of insecurity as it is strength.=20 It also is acting from the belief that the United States is=20 overstretched internationally and divided internally. Washington=E2=80=99s = route forward, particularly in the 2024 presidential election year, is to=20 make it clear that US foreign policy goals are not antithetical to the=20 legitimate aspirations of the Chinese people. For its part, Beijing must realise it has blundered in choosing team Russia, Iran and North Korea over countries that fuelled its rise during the=20 four-plus decades of engagement. Beijing needs to get back to a policy=20 of reassurance rather than muscle flexing.

David Lampton is Professor Emeritus of Chinese Studies at the=20 School of Advanced International Studies and Senior Research Fellow at=20 the Foreign Policy Institute, Johns Hopkins University. His most recent=20 book is Living U.S.-China Relations: From Cold War to Cold War.

Thomas Fingar is Shorenstein APARC Fellow at the Freeman Spogli=20 Institute for International Studies, Stanford University. His most=20 recent China book is Fateful Decisions: Choices that will Shape China= =E2=80=99s Future, edited with Jean C Oi.

https://doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1711922400

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Or Are People Just Very Ticked Off? X-BeenThere: salon@listserve.com X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.33 Precedence: list List-Id: Discussion List for the Committee For The Republic List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 31 Mar 2024 22:29:43 -0000 --0000000000009c0c430614fc6889 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/03/25/fareed-zakaria-age-of-revolutions-revi= ew/Is This a Revolution? Or Are People Just Very Ticked Off? In a new book, Fareed Zakaria explores how much the times are a-changin=E2= =80=99. At risk, he says, is the entire global system. March 25, 2024 By *Michael Hirsh* , a columnist for *Foreign Policy*. [image: A man wearing a tricorner hat and revolutionary war uniform and holding a flag gestures as two police officers wearing riot gear pass.] A man wearing a tricorner hat and revolutionary war uniform and holding a flag gestures as two police officers wearing riot gear pass. A protester dressed as American Revolution-era George Washington argues with police officers before being pushed out of the U.S. Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. Brent Stirton/Getty Images *Never miss a story:* Click + to add authors, topics and regions to your *M= y FP* profile. - Politics - Geopolitics - United States ------------------------------ *=E2=80=A6 something is happening here but you don=E2=80=99t know what it i= s * *Do you, Mr. Jones? *=E2=80=94Bob Dylan, =E2=80=9CBallad of a Thin Man=E2= =80=9D ------------------------------ Something is happening to us=E2=80=94to Americans, to the world=E2=80=94and= we don=E2=80=99t know what it is. Is the United States in the throes of some kind of revolution, with a vampiric Donald Trump rising from the political undead to threaten (more openly, this time around) the destruction of the U.S. Constitution itself? Is the entire post-World War II global system=E2=80=94or what remai= ns of it=E2=80=94facing some kind of revolutionary upheaval as well? Russia=E2=80= =99s murderous president, Vladimir Putin, continues to violate every postwar norm, territorially and otherwise, with China mostly on his side. Together they are helping to unravel an ever-more ragged global consensus that, if Trump is reelected U.S. president eight months from now, he could well rip apart for good. =E2=80=9CWhere Globalism Goes to Die=E2=80=9D was the motto of th= e 50th annual Conservative Political Action Conference held in February at National Harbor, Maryland, where Trump was welcomed as a conquering hero. Or are we, instead, engaged not so much in revolution as a series of *counter-*revolutions=E2=80=94in other words, a domestic and global reactio= nary backlash that seeks to restore the world that used to be (or what many people wishfully think it used to be)? Trump, of course, is leading the way, once more spuriously promising to =E2=80=9CMake America Great Again.= =E2=80=9D Trump is embracing a radical agenda that seeks to reverse what the Republican Party=E2=80=94of which he is now = sole owner and proprietor=E2=80=94views as nearly a century of liberal encroachm= ent on Washington since the New Deal. He pledges to exile or even to imprison anyone who stands in his way. Much of this amounts to a rebellion by Trump=E2=80= =99s riled-up MAGA base against the values of the American Revolution itself=E2= =80=94its pledge of a common nationhood and constitutionalism, and its quixotic effort to =E2=80=9Clive out the true meaning of its creed,=E2=80=9D in Mart= in Luther King Jr.=E2=80=99s words, by striving for equality among races and ethnic groups= (as well as, more recently, every sort of sexual identity). The cover of Fareed Zakaria's book Age of Revolutions: Progress and Backlash from 1600 to the Present *Age of Revolutions: Progress and Backlash From 1600 to the Present* , Fareed Zakaria, W. W. Norton & Company, 400 pp., $29.99, March 2024 Along with that comes a Trumpian backlash against his predecessors=E2=80=99 attempt, in the last century, to extend the values of the American Revolution worldwide through Wilsonian globalism, and instead to return to some version of America=E2=80=99s pre-World War II isolationism and protect= ionism. More broadly we seem to be in the middle of a worldwide counter-revolution against what has reigned, for 80 years, as a truly revolutionary postwar global system. A century=E2=80=99s worth of Western (mostly American) institution-building had once appeared to fulfill the conditions for abolishing great-power war, for the first time in recorded history. It did this by creating a truly global economic system and international community and thus, as Walter Lippmann once wrote , =E2=80=9Can international conscience which will play the part which war has= always played in human affairs.=E2=80=9D That system promised peace and prosperity= for all, delivered it only to some=E2=80=94far too few, we must now acknowledge= =E2=80=94and is now in danger of disintegrating despite having given us the longest period in modern history without a great-power war, as Fareed Zakaria observes in his important new book, *Age of Revolutions: Progress and Backlash From 1600 to the Present* . The question is why=E2=80=94and is the rot in the system fixable or fatal? = In his book, Zakaria performs an invaluable service in framing these questions precisely the right way. How sturdy, in the end, will the American and global systems prove against all these hurricane-force winds of change? And even if Trump is defeated in November, will policy-makers be smart enough to reform sufficiently, and quickly enough, to prevent a full-scale degringolade? What=E2=80=99s at stake is modernity itself, writes Zakaria. The well-known= host of CNN=E2=80=99s =E2=80=9CGPS=E2=80=9D program, Zakaria enjoys a lot of credib= ility on this subject. More than a quarter century ago, he became one of the first pundits to identify and trace the advent of what he called =E2=80=9Cilliberal democrac= y,=E2=80=9D and later the =E2=80=9Crise of the rest,=E2=80=9D foreseeing a more challenging= post-Cold War environment than most people expected. Now Zakaria seeks to preserve what= =E2=80=99s left of the future by finding lessons in the past. Beginning with the Netherlands, whose successful =E2=80=9Cliberal revolution=E2=80=9D invented= modernity in the 1600s, Zakaria puts today=E2=80=99s crises in the appropriate context= =E2=80=93that of the centuries-long interplay between =E2=80=9Ctwo competing plotlines: libe= ralism, meaning progress, growth, disruption, *revolution in the sense of radical advance*; and illiberalism, standing for regression, restriction, nostalgia, *revolution in the sense of returning to the past*.=E2=80=9D The convulsions we are seeing in the early 21st century may prove to be just another stutter-step on the long road toward modern civilization as these two tendencies, liberalism and illiberalism, collide once again, Zakaria says. But that=E2=80=99s only if we address them correctly. As a result, Zakaria desperately wants the United States to realize what=E2= =80=99s at stake and not give up =E2=80=9Con the world it made,=E2=80=9D as he put = it forthrightly in a recent *Foreign Affairs* cover article titled =E2=80=9CThe Self-Doubti= ng Superpower.=E2=80=9D But, ever the realist, Zakaria also writes in his book= that America=E2=80=99s post-Cold War hegemony was always destined to take a hit:= =E2=80=9CThe unipolar moment could not last forever. History had to return.=E2=80=9D Perhaps. But one thing is certain: Washington gave history one hell of a tailwind, thanks to the colossal errors of its politicians and policy-makers. That=E2=80=99s why so much of the revolution=E2=80=94or counter-revolution=E2=80=94involves a backlash against American arrogance a= nd overconfidence in overseeing the world system that Washington helped create after World War II. This hubris in the triumphalist aftermath of the Cold War led Washington to invade another country (Iraq) without cause (which in turn contributed to another debacle , the loss of Afghanistan to the resurgent Taliban); to fecklessly throw open capital markets all at once to Wall Street=E2=80=99s predations (free marke= ts are always good, right? after all they won the Cold War), leading to the 2008 financial crisis and far-reaching economic instability; and to arguably overextend NATO smack up against Russia=E2=80=99s borders. It is noteworthy that many foreign policy= experts (Zakaria among them) believe that, whatever the complex historical reasons for Putin=E2=80=99s Ukraine invasion, the Americans provoked him unnecessarily = at the NATO summit at Bucharest in 2008 by raising the possibility that Ukraine might join NATO but without making a formal offer. This, Zakaria, writes, =E2=80=9Cwas the worst of both worlds=E2=80=94enraging Russia without givin= g Ukraine any path to certainty.=E2=80=9D Putin himself, in his Feb. 21, 2022, speech jus= tifying the invasion, cited as precedent =E2=80=9Cthe invasion of Iraq without any legal grounds.= =E2=80=9D China has also invoked the theme of U.S. hubris and irresponsibility in mismanaging the world system: Zhao Lijian , then the Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, in 2022 called the U.S. =E2=80=9Cthe leading instigator of the Ukraine crisis=E2=80=9D because it = =E2=80=9Cled NATO in pursuing five rounds of eastward expansion.=E2=80=9D And as Zakaria observe= s, Chinese leader Xi Jinping is quite brazenly leading a =E2=80=9Ccultural counterrevolution=E2=80=9D built on a nostalgic (and likely untrue) version= of a once-dominant Chinese nationalism that rejects U.S. hegemony. The question, again, is how far will all these convulsions go in threatening to overturn all of what we consider, today, world civilization=E2=80=94which is why we need to get the framing of the challen= ge right. Zakaria writes that we=E2=80=99ve moved way beyond the old ideologic= al division between right versus left, which has existed since the French Revolution but has broken down completely. Instead, today=E2=80=99s politic= al divide can be defined more as what former British Prime Minister Tony Blair called =E2=80=9Copen versus closed.=E2=80=9D In practical terms that means = neo-isolationist and neo-protectionist populism (both on the far right and far left) versus a more or less internationalist establishment (both left of center and right of center). [image: A man wearing jeans and a dark jacket lifts a pick ax to slam into a graffiti-covered section of the the Berlin Wall. Other protesters are seen behind him.] A man wearing jeans and a dark jacket lifts a pick ax to slam into a graffiti-covered section of the the Berlin Wall. Other protesters are seen behind him. A man attacks the Berlin Wall with a pickax on the night of Nov. 9, 1989, a pivotal moment in the fall of communism.Robert Wallis/Corbis via Getty Images Zakaria wrestles with whether this was all inevitable, a kind of =E2=80=9CThucydides Trap=E2=80=9D by which rising powers (read: China) alwa= ys challenge established ones, or whether our politicians and policy-makers brought it on themselves. He writes that one of the mistakes made during the =E2=80=9Chyper-globalization=E2=80=9D of the post-Cold War period=E2=80=94t= hat =E2=80=9Cend of history=E2=80=9D moment when =E2=80=9Call competing ideologies and economic systems seemed t= o have lost legitimacy and support=E2=80=9D=E2=80=94was that it all happened too f= ast. We in the West were expecting too much too quickly, particularly of the former Soviet Union and those countries that were once part of the Soviet sphere. =E2=80=9CBecause the developing world did not have the time to slowly devel= op its institutions, democratization in the 1980s and =E2=80=9890s was swift and s= hallow,=E2=80=9D he writes. =E2=80=9CCountries failed to embed the protections and freedoms = promised by liberalism. The masses, in turn, did not know what to expect or demand from this new system and, in many cases, were left to weather the disruptions of market liberalism with no institutional insulation to protect them.=E2=80=9D Zakaria writes that one of the mistakes made during the =E2=80=9Chyper-globalization=E2=80=9D of the post-Cold War period was that = it all happened too fast. This was particularly true of Russia after the USSR collapsed. Zakaria quotes Boris Yelstin, Putin=E2=80=99s predecessor, as describing the libera= l democratic and free-market institutions pressed on Moscow by the West in the 1990s as =E2=80=9Cbeautiful structures and beautiful titles with nothin= g behind them.=E2=80=9D Is Putin=E2=80=94and the anti-Western counter-revolution he = is leading=E2=80=94somehow a monster that we ourselves created? Zakaria does n= ot go into great detail about this, but an argument can certainly be made that Putin and Putinism are largely the product of excessive American triumphalism, and not just because of NATO expansion. Soon after the Soviet Union disappeared from the map, the administrations of George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton pushed =E2=80=9Cshock therapy=E2=80=9D in the form of a lot of= facile, pro-market solutions on Moscow, helped by the International Monetary Fund and free-market advocates at the Harvard Institute for International Development. As a result of this bad advice, privatization of the former communist production system swiftly degenerated into what the Russians called *prikhvatizatsiya*, or =E2=80=9Cgrabification ,=E2=80=9D the seizure of state assets by government apparatchiks-turned-oligarchs, and corruption was rampant. =E2=80=9CBy paying insufficient attention to th= e institutional infrastructure that would allow a market economy to flourish=E2=80=94and by easing the flow of capital in and out of Russia=E2= =80=94the IMF and Treasury had laid the groundwork for the oligarchs=E2=80=99 plundering,=E2= =80=9D wrote the economist Joseph Stiglitz , who had warned against too-rapid privatization. The result, as former Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott lamented, was =E2=80=9Ctoo much shock and too little therapy=E2=80=9D=E2=80=94and, in= the end, a populist right-wing reaction in the form of Putin. No less a free-market eminence than the Nobel-winning economist Milton Friedman later admitted to me, in a 2002 interview , that he and other advocates of hyper-globalization had been wrong about post-Soviet Russia and cautious progressives such as Stiglitz, who urged more institution building and legal protections, had read the situation correctly. =E2=80=9CIn the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Soviet Un= ion,=E2=80=9D Friedman said, =E2=80=9CI kept being asked what Russia should do. I said, privatize, privatize, privatize. I was wrong. He [Stiglitz] was right. What we want is privatization and the rule of law.=E2=80=9D ------------------------------ [image: A 1870s oil painting depicts a jumble of workers toiling at an iron mill.] A 1870s oil painting depicts a jumble of workers toiling at an iron mill. [image: A giant trojan horse installation made up of electric components stands on a street. Behind it is a university building draped with OpenAI banners.] A giant trojan horse installation made up of electric components stands on a street. Behind it is a university building draped with OpenAI banners. Left: A painting by Adolph Menzel depicts a German factory in the 1870s during the Industrial Revolution. Fine Art Images/Heritage Images/Getty Images Right: Banners of the U.S. artificial intelligence company OpenAI fly near an installation depicting a Trojan horse made up of microelectronic circuit boards and other computer components on the Tel Aviv University campus in Israel on June 5, 2023. Jack Guez/AFP via Getty Images Is there anything we can do about this now? One big problem, Zakaria writes, is that not only can=E2=80=99t we unwind the clock, a lot of new th= ings are happening so quickly they=E2=80=99re out of our control. Much of his book d= eals with the way the industrial revolution=E2=80=94the =E2=80=9Cmother of all r= evolutions,=E2=80=9D he calls it=E2=80=94transformed society and politics forever. But that took ce= nturies, whereas information technology and AI are having a similar impact in months. =E2=80=9CIt took almost four years to get one hundred million peopl= e worldwide to use Facebook, over two years to get that same number on Instagram, and just two months to get one hundred million people using ChatGPT,=E2=80=9D he writes. The digital revolution has made things enormou= sly better for average working people=E2=80=93with the latest information, entertainment and efficient purchasing power at the fingertips of just about everybody in the developed world=E2=80=93but it may be a =E2=80=9CFau= stian bargain=E2=80=9D that comes at the cost of community and, ultimately, a firm handle on truth, Zakaria writes. =E2=80=9CThe mom-and-pop store? Gone, unable to comp= ete with Amazon. The corner arcade? Displaced by online gambling. The local movie theater? Run out of town by Netflix,=E2=80=9D he writes. In traditional com= munities everyone knew who the town drunk was, and the lone lunatic shouting on the street corner found himself ostracized. No longer: Online the lunatics have found each other and formed new and often violent virtual communities unhinged from reality. =E2=80=9CMany adults, living lives of greater isolation, have gone online a= nd found a sense of shared purpose in the increasingly virulent politics of the day. As disturbing and fantastical as some conspiracy theories can be=E2=80=94da= rk visions of globalist cabals and child sex rings hidden in pizza shops=E2=80= =94such worldviews may provide a perverse kind of comfort, a coherent narrative to replace randomness,=E2=80=9D he writes. The machinery of liberal democracy = looks slow and cumbersome too, he says, compared to =E2=80=9Cone-click ordering o= n Amazon,=E2=80=9D and this need for easy answers also helped give rise to Tr= ump, who was =E2=80=9Ccatapulted=E2=80=9D into the White House by the internet. =E2=80=9CHis communication style was made for the times,=E2=80=9D Zakaria w= rites. =E2=80=9CAs soon as he had a thought, he simply blasted it on social media. =E2=80=A6 He was= able to speak directly to his followers and dominate the ever-shortening news cycle. And his simplistic policy prescriptions=E2=80=94solve illegal immigr= ation by building a wall (and making Mexico pay for it), restore American manufacturing by imposing tariffs (that other countries would supposedly pay for)=E2=80=94promised a kind of instant gratification at no cost, somet= hing people have come to expect in the internet era.=E2=80=9D And yet there is much that is not new=E2=80=94much that suggests civilizati= on is simply suffering through another bout with what Lippmann, in his 1929 book *Preface to Morals*, called the =E2=80=9Cacids of modernity.=E2=80=9D These have cor= roded traditional belief systems and =E2=80=9Care so powerful that they do not to= lerate a crystallization of ideas which will serve as a new orthodoxy into which men can retreat.=E2=80=9D Ultimately, in the crucible of depression and world war, the world did find a new =E2=80=9Corthodoxy=E2=80=9D=E2=80=94the eight-decades-old internation= al system. Can we do so again, but without a bloody trauma this time? Ultimately, in the crucible of depression and world war, the world did find a new =E2=80=9Corthodoxy=E2=80=9D=E2=80=94the eight-decades-old internation= al system. Can we do so again, but without a bloody trauma this time? Zakaria quotes Lippmann to good effect on this and other issues in suggesting that part of the solution lies in studying how we dealt with rapid change in the past. As in past periods of successful upheaval=E2=80=94say, England=E2=80=99s Glorious Revolution=E2=80=94society needs to balance =E2=80=9Cthe push and pull betw= een the past and the future.=E2=80=9D Zakaria=E2=80=99s answer is to find inspiration in the= stories of immigrants who seek both the best modern advantages for their children in the global economy and yet come to regret =E2=80=9Cthe culture and communit= y they left behind.=E2=80=9D We must, instead, find a way to achieve the future=E2=80=94modernity=E2=80=94while holding onto the best parts of the p= ast. =E2=80=9CLiberalism=E2=80=99s problem in many ways is that it has been too = successful,=E2=80=9D he writes. The acids of modernity must be offset more effectively by a sturdy base of alkaline conservativism. Zakaria harks back to previous important historical moments when there were similar convulsions but critical compromises were found. His beau ideals are enlightened 19th century politicians such as British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli and today, believe it or not, the much-harried U.S. president, Joe Biden. Zakaria favorably invokes the British conservatives of the 19th century who =E2=80=9Cmade their peace=E2=80=9D with the gradual= democratization of the Great Reform Act and embraced the credo, =E2=80=9CReform, that you m= ay preserve.=E2=80=9D Biden, he says, also understands =E2=80=9Cthe need to pi= vot the neoliberal consensus toward some modest, reformist versions of certain populist policies=E2=80=9D in order to save the larger system. =E2=80=9CExt= remism may feel satisfying,=E2=80=9D Zakaria writes, =E2=80=9Cbut gradual reform more often= produces lasting change.=E2=80=9D ------------------------------ [image: A painting shows British troops fighting with American troops using bayonets and swords. Several from each side appear dead on the ground. Gen. George Washington is seen on a horse in the background in front of an early American flag.] A painting shows British troops fighting with American troops using bayonets and swords. Several from each side appear dead on the ground. Gen. George Washington is seen on a horse in the background in front of an early American flag. [image: U.S. President Woodrow Wilson wearing a dark suit and holding a hat stands on a stage in front of a giant crowd in the stands. In the foreground, men in suits, one with a camera, cluster in front of him.] U.S. President Woodrow Wilson wearing a dark suit and holding a hat stands on a stage in front of a giant crowd in the stands. In the foreground, men in suits, one with a camera, cluster in front of him. Left: A painting by John Trumbull depicts the death of Gen. Hugh Mercer in battle during the American Revolution. H. Armstrong Roberts/ClassicStock/Getty Images Right: U.S. President Woodrow Wilson addresses a crowd in Tacoma, Washington, during his League of Nations Peace Tour. Bettmann Archive/Getty Images Zakaria=E2=80=99s once-over-lightly approach to history=E2=80=94with five c= enturies of it crammed into 350-odd pages=E2=80=94can sometimes grate. In his eagerness to= bear out his major theme=E2=80=94that the current crisis is survivable if one le= arns from the past=E2=80=94he occasionally rushes through events, failing to con= nect some dots. For example, even while he acknowledges that the U.S. =E2=80=9Cs= apped its strength=E2=80=9D with debacles such as Iraq and the 2008 financial cri= sis=E2=80=94a moment of disillusionment for China when as a senior Chinese official, Wang Qishan, told then-Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, =E2=80=9CWe aren=E2=80= =99t sure we should be learning from you anymore=E2=80=9D=E2=80=94he sometimes rather gl= ibly describes sequences of things in simplistic terms. When the Cold War ended, Zakaria says, the country achieved a =E2=80=9Cconsensus on economic policy=E2=80=9D= that =E2=80=9Copened the door for social issues to come to the fore.=E2=80=9D It was a bit more complicated, actually. There was a misguided consensus on neoliberalism, but the deep inequalities this created actually *caused* many of these social issues to erupt. And after social issues came to the fore the economic debate *reerupted*, giving rise to Trump=E2=80=99s vicious populis= m, as angry whites began objecting to the widening distribution of economic benefits to ethnic minorities and immigration became a huge and volatile issue. It is also rather odd that Zakaria decides to mostly ignore the significance of the American Revolution, writing that it was not a real revolution in that it =E2=80=9Cserved more to reaffirm than subvert existin= g hierarchies=E2=80=9D and that =E2=80=9Cfor all its political audacity, it d= id not immediately transform society=E2=80=99s deeper structures.=E2=80=9D Okay, m= aybe not immediately=E2=80=94but ultimately the American Revolution transformed the = entire world of political philosophy as well as its practice. At least as much as the Industrial Revolution, it got us where we are today reconceived as Wilsonianism, which remade much of the globe because America=E2=80=99s post= war world-builders believed, as U.S. President Woodrow Wilson himself declared in launching the League of Nations in 1918, that there should be =E2=80=9Cn= o difference between American principles and those of mankind.=E2=80=9D (Chin= a and Russia, along with Iran and other nations, beg to differ, and it is no accident that the Trumpian reaction in the U.S. has spawned so many imitators abroad, from Viktor Orban to Jair Bolsonaro.) As far as subverting old hierarchies goes, Trump has now achieved that end completely, at least in the Republican Party, thanks to the transformation of electoral power (especially in the last half century or so as party nominations devolved from party bosses in smoke-filled rooms to a more radicalized primary electorate). The American Revolution got us where we are today reconceived as Wilsonianism, which remade much of the globe because America=E2=80=99s post= war world-builders believed that there should be =E2=80=9Cno difference between American principles and those of mankind.=E2=80=9D As Zakaria breezes his way through titanic epochs like the Glorious Revolution, the French Revolution and the Industrial Revolution, the reader would be advised to keep by his side a copy of, say, Christopher Clark=E2= =80=99s new book *Revolutionary Spring: Europe Aflame and the Fight for a New World, 1848-49*, a profound look at what =E2=80=9Ca non-linear, convulsive, intermittently violent and transformative =E2=80=98unfinished revolution=E2=80=99=E2=80=9D really look= s like. The effects of some revolutions can suffer from long delays, writes Clark, a Cambridge University historian. This may have happened in the Arab Spring; Clark writes that the European revolutions of 1848 were also known as the =E2=80=9Cspringtime of the peoples=E2=80=9D but like the Arab Spring were c= rushed by revanchist forces. Clark observes that =E2=80=9Cin their swarming multitudinousness, in the unpredictable interaction of so many forces, the tumults of the mid-nineteenth century resembled the chaotic upheavals of our own day, in which clearly defined endpoints are hard to come by.=E2=80= =9D He concludes: =E2=80=9CIf a revolution is coming for us, it may look something= like 1848.=E2=80=9D Zakaria also briefly cites the quasi-revolutions of 1848 in Europe as a cautionary tale, a =E2=80=9Csimilarly revolutionary age when the old agricu= ltural world was rapidly being replaced by new industrial one, when politics, culture, identity and geopolitics were all being upended by gale-forced winds of structural change.=E2=80=9D In the short run, he notes, =E2=80=9Ct= he Revolutions of 1848 failed. But in the ensuing years many of the revolutionaries=E2=80= =99 ideas were quietly adopted,=E2=80=9D preventing a deeper trauma. Yet that took a very long time, and today=E2=80=99s issues are also likely = to remain unresolved for a very long time. =E2=80=9CMost likely, the world we = are going to live in will lie uneasily=E2=80=9D, Zakaria writes, between what h= e calls =E2=80=9Cthe dual revolutions,=E2=80=9D the return of great-power politics = and the rise of the liberal order. [image: A police officer in riot gear pins down a protester holding a 13-star U.S. flag on the marble surface outside the Capitol.] A police officer in riot gear pins down a protester holding a 13-star U.S. flag on the marble surface outside the Capitol. A police officer detains a pro-Trump protester holding a 13-star U.S. flag as a mob storms the U.S. Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. Shannon Stapleton/Reuters In the interim, perhaps we can save what remains of that order. For all of America=E2=80=99s problems, it is still by far the dominant power in terms = of its military, economy and technological edge. And we are all still benefiting from an unprecedentedly peaceful moment in human history: Never before has an international system been so all-encompassing, with an array of secondary but rising powers so co-opted by that system. The prosperity and stability provided by this system has created, despite the inequities of globalization and the resurgence of protectionism, a powerful and enduring motivation for nations to remain part of it. Among these beneficiaries, crucially, is China, which is far more integrated into the world economy than Russia and has been enriched by it as much as the United States, Europe and Japan. Which forces will prevail in the end: the revolutions that created the world we know today, or the counter-revolutions seeking to undo it? A key question is whether Xi Jinping and the Chinese leadership will accept this reality, at least in part=E2=80=94or whether Xi, a would-be Mao Zedong= , is too frightened by the threat economic liberalism poses to the legitimacy of the Communist Party. Much depends on Washington=E2=80=99s and Beijing=E2=80=99s= willingness to =E2=80=9Clive in peaceful albeit energetic competition=E2=80=9D =E2=80=94an= outcome, Zakaria writes, =E2=80=9Cmost of the world would fervently choose.=E2=80=9D After the March 5 Super Tuesday primary results, which all but guaranteed a 2024 rematch between Biden and Trump, the president said: =E2=80=9CAre we g= oing to keep moving forward or will we allow Donald Trump to drag us backwards into the chaos, division, and darkness that defined his term in office?=E2=80=9D= Biden has hardly been a perfect president=E2=80=94but, yes, those are pretty much= the stakes for the challenge that Zakaria lays out in his book. Which forces will prevail in the end: the revolutions that created the world we know today, or the counter-revolutions seeking to undo it? We just don=E2=80=99t know. Trump is truly a historical oddity who could, a= t the helm of the biggest power in the world, make all the difference in this outcome. Tolstoy was probably right: Human history isn=E2=80=99t decided by= =E2=80=9Cgreat=E2=80=9D men. But the opposite has too often been true: Power-hungry maniacs seeking personal gain have sometimes decided things for the rest of us, and for ages to come. Perhaps, if Trump is elected, China and Russia will someday thank him. Or at the very least, maybe they=E2=80=99ll erect a statue to ho= nor Trump=E2=80=94our modern-day Ozymandias=E2=80=94amid the ruins he leaves be= hind. *Books are independently selected by FP editors. FP earns an affiliate commission on anything purchased through links to Amazon.com on this page.* *Never miss a story:* Click + to add authors, topics and regions to your *M= y FP* profile. - Politics - Geopolitics - United States *Michael Hirsh* is a columnist for *Foreign Policy. *He is the author of two books: *Capital Offense: How Washington=E2=80=99s Wise Men Turned Ameri= ca=E2=80=99s Future Over to Wall Street* and *At War With Ourselves: Why America Is Squandering Its Chance to Build a Better World*. Twitter: @michaelphirsh --0000000000009c0c430614fc6889 Content-Type: text/html; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/03/25/faree= d-zakaria-age-of-revolutions-review/

Is This a Re= volution? Or Are People Just Very Ticked Off?

In a new book, Fareed Zakaria explores how much the times are a-changin= =E2=80=99. At risk, he says, is the entire global system.

=20 March 25, 2024

=20

=20 =20

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By Michael Hirsh, = a columnist for Foreign Policy.

=09

A man wearing a=20 tricorner hat and revolutionary war uniform and holding a flag gestures=20 as two police officers wearing riot gear pass.

A protester dressed as American Revolution-era George=20 Washington argues with police officers before being pushed out of the=20 U.S. Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. Brent Stirton/= Getty Images

=20 =09 =09

=09 =09 =09

Never miss a story: Click + to add au= thors, topics and regions to your My FP profile.

=20 Politics
=20 Geopolitics
=20 United States

=09 =09 =09 =09

=E2=80=A6 something is happening here but= you don=E2=80=99t know what it is
Do you, Mr. Jones?
=E2=80=94Bob Dylan, =E2=80=9CBallad of a Thin Man=E2=80=9D

Something is happening to us=E2=80=94to Americans, to the world=E2=80=94= and we don=E2=80=99t=20 know what it is. Is the United States in the throes of some kind of=20 revolution, with a vampiric Donald Trump rising from the political=20 undead to threaten (more openly, this time around) the destruction of=20 the U.S. Constitution itself? Is the entire post-World War II global=20 system=E2=80=94or what remains of it=E2=80=94facing some kind of revolution= ary upheaval=20 as well? Russia=E2=80=99s murderous president, Vladimir Putin, continues to= =20 violate every postwar norm, territorially and otherwise, with China=20 mostly on his side. Together they are helping to unravel an ever-more=20 ragged global consensus that, if Trump is reelected U.S. president eight months from now, he could well rip apart for good. =E2=80=9CWhere Globalis= m=20 Goes to Die=E2=80=9D was the motto of the 50th annual Conservative Politica= l=20 Action Conference held in February at National Harbor, Maryland, where=20 Trump was welcomed as a conquering hero.

Or are we, instead, engaged not so much in revolution as a series of = counter-revolutions=E2=80=94in other words, a domestic and global reactionary backlash that seeks to=20 restore the world that used to be (or what many people wishfully think=20 it used to be)? Trump, of course, is leading the way, once more=20 spuriously promising to =E2=80=9CMake America Great Again.=E2=80=9D Trump i= s embracing a radical agenda that seeks to reverse what the Republican Party=E2=80=94of which he is now= sole owner and proprietor=E2=80=94views as nearly a century of liberal encroach= ment=20 on Washington since the New Deal. He pledges to exile or even to imprison anyone who stands in his way. Much of this amounts to a rebellion by Trump=E2=80= =99s=20 riled-up MAGA base against the values of the American Revolution=20 itself=E2=80=94its pledge of a common nationhood and constitutionalism, and= its=20 quixotic effort to =E2=80=9Clive out the true meaning of its creed,=E2=80= =9D in Martin=20 Luther King Jr.=E2=80=99s words, by striving for equality among races and e= thnic groups (as well as, more recently, every sort of sexual identity).

The cover of Fareed Zakaria's book Ag= e of Revolutions: Progress and Backlash from 1600 to the Present

Age of Revolutions= : Progress and Backlash From 1600 to the Present, Fareed Zakari= a, W. W. Norton & Company, 400 pp., $29.99, March 2024

Along with that comes a Trumpian backlash against his predecessors=E2=80= =99=20 attempt, in the last century, to extend the values of the American=20 Revolution worldwide through Wilsonian globalism, and instead to return=20 to some version of America=E2=80=99s pre-World War II isolationism and=20 protectionism. More broadly we seem to be in the middle of a worldwide=20 counter-revolution against what has reigned, for 80 years, as a truly=20 revolutionary postwar global system. A century=E2=80=99s worth of Western= =20 (mostly American) institution-building had once appeared to fulfill the=20 conditions for abolishing great-power war, for the first time in=20 recorded history. It did this by creating a truly global economic system and international community and thus, as Walter Lippmann once wrote, =E2=80=9Can international conscience which will play the part which war ha= s=20 always played in human affairs.=E2=80=9D That system promised peace and=20 prosperity for all, delivered it only to some=E2=80=94far too few, we must = now=20 acknowledge=E2=80=94and is now in danger of disintegrating despite having g= iven=20 us the longest period in modern history without a great-power war, as=20 Fareed Zakaria observes in his important new book, Age of Revolutions: Progress and Backlash = >From 1600 to the Present.

The question is why=E2=80=94and is the rot in the system fixable or fata= l? In his book, Zakaria performs an invaluable service in framing these=20 questions precisely the right way. How sturdy, in the end, will the=20 American and global systems prove against all these hurricane-force=20 winds of change? And even if Trump is defeated in November, will=20 policy-makers be smart enough to reform sufficiently, and quickly=20 enough, to prevent a full-scale degringolade?

What=E2=80=99s at stake= is modernity itself, writes Zakaria. The well-known=20 host of CNN=E2=80=99s =E2=80=9CGPS=E2=80=9D program, Zakaria enjoys a lot o= f credibility on this subject. More than a quarter century ago, he became one of the first=20 pundits to identify and trace the advent of what he called =E2=80=9Cilliber= al=20 democracy,=E2=80=9D and later the =E2=80=9Crise of the rest,=E2=80=9D fores= eeing a more=20 challenging post-Cold War environment than most people expected. Now=20 Zakaria seeks to preserve what=E2=80=99s left of the future by finding less= ons=20 in the past. Beginning with the Netherlands, whose successful =E2=80=9Clibe= ral=20 revolution=E2=80=9D invented modernity in the 1600s, Zakaria puts today=E2= =80=99s crises in the appropriate context=E2=80=93that of the centuries-long interplay be= tween =E2=80=9Ctwo competing plotlines: liberalism, meaning progress, growth,=20 disruption, revolution in the sense of radical advance; and illibera= lism, standing for regression, restriction, nostalgia, revolution in the= sense of returning to the past.=E2=80=9D The convulsions we are seeing in the early 21st century may prove to be just another stutter-step on the long road toward modern civilization=20 as these two tendencies, liberalism and illiberalism, collide once=20 again, Zakaria says. But that=E2=80=99s only if we address them correctly.<= /p>

As a result, Zakaria desperately wants the United States to realize=20 what=E2=80=99s at stake and not give up =E2=80=9Con the world it made,=E2= =80=9D as he put it=20 forthrightly in a recent Foreign Affairs cover article titled=20 =E2=80=9CThe Self-Doubting Superpower.=E2=80=9D But, ever the realist, Zaka= ria also=20 writes in his book that America=E2=80=99s post-Cold War hegemony was always= =20 destined to take a hit: =E2=80=9CThe unipolar moment could not last forever= .=20 History had to return.=E2=80=9D

Perhaps. But one thing is certain: Washington gave history one hell=20 of a tailwind, thanks to the colossal errors of its politicians and=20 policy-makers. That=E2=80=99s why so much of the revolution=E2=80=94or=20 counter-revolution=E2=80=94involves a backlash against American arrogance a= nd=20 overconfidence in overseeing the world system that Washington helped=20 create after World War II. This hubris in the triumphalist aftermath of=20 the Cold War led Washington to invade another country (Iraq) without=20 cause (which in turn contributed to another debacle, the loss of Afghanistan to the resurgent Taliban); to fecklessly throw=20 open capital markets all at once to Wall Street=E2=80=99s predations (free= =20 markets are always good, right? after all they won the Cold War),=20 leading to the 2008 financial crisis and far-reaching economic instability; and to arguably overextend NATO=20 smack up against Russia=E2=80=99s borders. It is noteworthy that many forei= gn=20 policy experts (Zakaria among them) believe that, whatever the complex historical reasons for Putin=E2=80=99s Ukraine invasion, the Americans provoked him unnecessa= rily=20 at the NATO summit at Bucharest in 2008 by raising the possibility that=20 Ukraine might join NATO but without making a formal offer. This,=20 Zakaria, writes, =E2=80=9Cwas the worst of both worlds=E2=80=94enraging Rus= sia without=20 giving Ukraine any path to certainty.=E2=80=9D Putin himself, in his Feb. 2= 1,=20 2022, speech justifying the invasion, cited as precedent =E2=80=9Cthe invasion of Iraq without any= =20 legal grounds.=E2=80=9D China has also invoked the theme of U.S. hubris and= =20 irresponsibility in mismanaging the world system: Zhao Lijian, then the Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, in 2022 called the U.S. =E2=80=9Cthe leading instigator of the Ukraine crisis=E2=80=9D because it = =E2=80=9Cled NATO in=20 pursuing five rounds of eastward expansion.=E2=80=9D And as Zakaria observe= s,=20 Chinese leader Xi Jinping is quite brazenly leading a =E2=80=9Ccultural=20 counterrevolution=E2=80=9D built on a nostalgic (and likely untrue) version= of a once-dominant Chinese nationalism that rejects U.S. hegemony.

The question, again, is how far will all these convulsions go in=20 threatening to overturn all of what we consider, today, world=20 civilization=E2=80=94which is why we need to get the framing of the challen= ge=20 right. Zakaria writes that we=E2=80=99ve moved way beyond the old ideologic= al=20 division between right versus left, which has existed since the French=20 Revolution but has broken down completely. Instead, today=E2=80=99s politic= al=20 divide can be defined more as what former British Prime Minister Tony=20 Blair called =E2=80=9Copen versus closed.=E2=80=9D In practical terms that = means=20 neo-isolationist and neo-protectionist populism (both on the far right=20 and far left) versus a more or less internationalist establishment (both left of center and right of center).

A man wearing jeans and a dark jacket lifts a pick ax to slam into a graffiti-covered section of=20 the the Berlin Wall. Other protesters are seen behind him.

A man a= ttacks the Berlin Wall with a pickax on the night of Nov. 9, 1989, a pivota= l moment in the fall of communism.Robert Wallis/Corbis via Getty Imag= es

Zakaria wrestles with whether this was all inevitable, a kind of=20 =E2=80=9CThucydides Trap=E2=80=9D by which rising powers (read: China) alwa= ys challenge=20 established ones, or whether our politicians and policy-makers brought=20 it on themselves. He writes that one of the mistakes made during the=20 =E2=80=9Chyper-globalization=E2=80=9D of the post-Cold War period=E2=80=94t= hat =E2=80=9Cend of history=E2=80=9D=20 moment when =E2=80=9Call competing ideologies and economic systems seemed t= o=20 have lost legitimacy and support=E2=80=9D=E2=80=94was that it all happened = too fast. We=20 in the West were expecting too much too quickly, particularly of the=20 former Soviet Union and those countries that were once part of the=20 Soviet sphere. =E2=80=9CBecause the developing world did not have the time = to=20 slowly develop its institutions, democratization in the 1980s and =E2=80=98= 90s=20 was swift and shallow,=E2=80=9D he writes. =E2=80=9CCountries failed to emb= ed the=20 protections and freedoms promised by liberalism. The masses, in turn,=20 did not know what to expect or demand from this new system and, in many=20 cases, were left to weather the disruptions of market liberalism with no institutional insulation to protect them.=E2=80=9D

Zakaria writes that one of the=20 mistakes made during the =E2=80=9Chyper-globalization=E2=80=9D of the post-= Cold War=20 period was that it all happened too fast.

This was particularly true of Russia after the USSR collapsed.=20 Zakaria quotes Boris Yelstin, Putin=E2=80=99s predecessor, as describing th= e=20 liberal democratic and free-market institutions pressed on Moscow by the West in the 1990s as =E2=80=9Cbeautiful structures and beautiful titles wi= th=20 nothing behind them.=E2=80=9D Is Putin=E2=80=94and the anti-Western counter= -revolution=20 he is leading=E2=80=94somehow a monster that we ourselves created? Zakaria = does=20 not go into great detail about this, but an argument can certainly be=20 made that Putin and Putinism are largely the product of excessive=20 American triumphalism, and not just because of NATO expansion. Soon=20 after the Soviet Union disappeared from the map, the administrations of=20 George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton pushed =E2=80=9Cshock therapy=E2=80=9D in= the form of a lot of facile, pro-market solutions on Moscow, helped by the=20 International Monetary Fund and free-market advocates at the Harvard=20 Institute for International Development. As a result of this bad advice, privatization of the former communist production system swiftly=20 degenerated into what the Russians called prikhvatizatsiya, or =E2= =80=9Cgrab= ification,=E2=80=9D the seizure of state assets by government=20 apparatchiks-turned-oligarchs, and corruption was rampant. =E2=80=9CBy payi= ng=20 insufficient attention to the institutional infrastructure that would=20 allow a market economy to flourish=E2=80=94and by easing the flow of capita= l in=20 and out of Russia=E2=80=94the IMF and Treasury had laid the groundwork for = the=20 oligarchs=E2=80=99 plundering,=E2=80=9D wrote the economist Joseph Sti= glitz, who had warned against too-rapid privatization.

The result, as former Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott=20 lamented, was =E2=80=9Ctoo much shock and too little therapy=E2=80=9D=E2=80= =94and, in the end, a populist right-wing reaction in the form of Putin. No less a=20 free-market eminence than the Nobel-winning economist Milton Friedman=20 later admitted to me, in a 2002 interview, that he and other advocates of hyper-globalization had been wrong about post-Soviet Russia and cautious progressives such as Stiglitz, who=20 urged more institution building and legal protections, had read the=20 situation correctly. =E2=80=9CIn the immediate aftermath of the fall of the= =20 Soviet Union,=E2=80=9D Friedman said, =E2=80=9CI kept being asked what Russ= ia should do. I said, privatize, privatize, privatize. I was wrong. He [Stiglitz] was right. What we want is privatization and the rule of law.=E2=80=9D

=09

A 1870s oil painting depicts a jumble of workers toiling at an iron= mill. =20

A giant trojan horse=20 installation made up of electric components stands on a street. Behind=20 it is a university building draped with OpenAI banners. =20

Left:=20 A painting by Adolph Menzel depicts a German factory in the 1870s durin= g the Industrial Revolution. Fine Art Images/Heritage Images/Getty Im= ages =C2=A0=C2=A0Right:=20 Banners of the U.S. artificial intelligence company OpenAI fly near=20 an installation depicting a Trojan horse made up of microelectronic=20 circuit boards and other computer components on the Tel Aviv University=20 campus in Israel on June 5, 2023. Jack Guez/AFP via Getty Images

Is there anything we can do about this now? One big problem, Zakaria=20 writes, is that not only can=E2=80=99t we unwind the clock, a lot of new th= ings=20 are happening so quickly they=E2=80=99re out of our control. Much of his bo= ok=20 deals with the way the industrial revolution=E2=80=94the =E2=80=9Cmother of= all=20 revolutions,=E2=80=9D he calls it=E2=80=94transformed society and politics = forever. But=20 that took centuries, whereas information technology and AI are having a=20 similar impact in months. =E2=80=9CIt took almost four years to get one hun= dred=20 million people worldwide to use Facebook, over two years to get that=20 same number on Instagram, and just two months to get one hundred million people using ChatGPT,=E2=80=9D he writes. The digital revolution has made= =20 things enormously better for average working people=E2=80=93with the latest= =20 information, entertainment and efficient purchasing power at the=20 fingertips of just about everybody in the developed world=E2=80=93but it ma= y be a =E2=80=9CFaustian bargain=E2=80=9D that comes at the cost of community and= , ultimately, a firm handle on truth, Zakaria writes. =E2=80=9CThe mom-and-pop store? Go= ne,=20 unable to compete with Amazon. The corner arcade? Displaced by online=20 gambling. The local movie theater? Run out of town by Netflix,=E2=80=9D he= =20 writes. In traditional communities everyone knew who the town drunk was, and the lone lunatic shouting on the street corner found himself=20 ostracized. No longer: Online the lunatics have found each other and=20 formed new and often violent virtual communities unhinged from reality.

=E2=80=9CMany adults, living lives of greater isolation, have gone onlin= e and found a sense of shared purpose in the increasingly virulent politics=20 of the day. As disturbing and fantastical as some conspiracy theories=20 can be=E2=80=94dark visions of globalist cabals and child sex rings hidden = in=20 pizza shops=E2=80=94such worldviews may provide a perverse kind of comfort,= a=20 coherent narrative to replace randomness,=E2=80=9D he writes. The machinery= of=20 liberal democracy looks slow and cumbersome too, he says, compared to=20 =E2=80=9Cone-click ordering on Amazon,=E2=80=9D and this need for easy answ= ers also=20 helped give rise to Trump, who was =E2=80=9Ccatapulted=E2=80=9D into the Wh= ite House by=20 the internet.

=20

=E2=80=9CHis communication style was made for the times,=E2=80=9D Zakari= a writes. =E2=80=9CAs soon as he had a thought, he simply blasted it on social media. =E2=80=A6 = He=20 was able to speak directly to his followers and dominate the=20 ever-shortening news cycle. And his simplistic policy=20 prescriptions=E2=80=94solve illegal immigration by building a wall (and mak= ing=20 Mexico pay for it), restore American manufacturing by imposing tariffs=20 (that other countries would supposedly pay for)=E2=80=94promised a kind of= =20 instant gratification at no cost, something people have come to expect=20 in the internet era.=E2=80=9D

And yet there is much that is not new=E2=80=94much that suggests civiliz= ation is simply suffering through another bout with what Lippmann, in his=20 1929 book Preface to Morals, called the =E2=80=9Cacids of modernity.= =E2=80=9D=20 These have corroded traditional belief systems and =E2=80=9Care so powerful= that they do not tolerate a crystallization of ideas which will serve as a=20 new orthodoxy into which men can retreat.=E2=80=9D

Ultimately, in the crucible of=20 depression and world war, the world did find a new =E2=80=9Corthodoxy=E2=80= =9D=E2=80=94the=20 eight-decades-old international system. Can we do so again, but without a bloody trauma this time?

Ultimately, in the crucible of depression and world war, the world=20 did find a new =E2=80=9Corthodoxy=E2=80=9D=E2=80=94the eight-decades-old in= ternational system.=20 Can we do so again, but without a bloody trauma this time? Zakaria=20 quotes Lippmann to good effect on this and other issues in suggesting=20 that part of the solution lies in studying how we dealt with rapid=20 change in the past. As in past periods of successful upheaval=E2=80=94say,= =20 England=E2=80=99s Glorious Revolution=E2=80=94society needs to balance =E2= =80=9Cthe push and=20 pull between the past and the future.=E2=80=9D Zakaria=E2=80=99s answer is = to find=20 inspiration in the stories of immigrants who seek both the best modern=20 advantages for their children in the global economy and yet come to=20 regret =E2=80=9Cthe culture and community they left behind.=E2=80=9D We mus= t, instead,=20 find a way to achieve the future=E2=80=94modernity=E2=80=94while holding on= to the best=20 parts of the past. =E2=80=9CLiberalism=E2=80=99s problem in many ways is th= at it has=20 been too successful,=E2=80=9D he writes. The acids of modernity must be off= set=20 more effectively by a sturdy base of alkaline conservativism.

Zakaria harks back to previous important historical moments when=20 there were similar convulsions but critical compromises were found. His=20 beau ideals are enlightened 19th century politicians such as British=20 Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli and today, believe it or not, the=20 much-harried U.S. president, Joe Biden. Zakaria favorably invokes the=20 British conservatives of the 19th century who =E2=80=9Cmade their peace=E2= =80=9D with=20 the gradual democratization of the Great Reform Act and embraced the=20 credo, =E2=80=9CReform, that you may preserve.=E2=80=9D Biden, he says, als= o understands =E2=80=9Cthe need to pivot the neoliberal consensus toward some modest,=20 reformist versions of certain populist policies=E2=80=9D in order to save t= he=20 larger system. =E2=80=9CExtremism may feel satisfying,=E2=80=9D Zakaria wri= tes, =E2=80=9Cbut=20 gradual reform more often produces lasting change.=E2=80=9D

=09

A painting shows British troops fighting with American troops using bayonets and swords. Several from each side appear dead on the ground. Gen. George Washington is=20 seen on a horse in the background in front of an early American flag. =20

U.S. President Woodrow=20 Wilson wearing a dark suit and holding a hat stands on a stage in front=20 of a giant crowd in the stands. In the foreground, men in suits, one=20 with a camera, cluster in front of him. =20

Left:=20 A painting by John Trumbull depicts the death of Gen. Hugh Mercer in ba= ttle during the American Revolution. H. Armstrong Roberts/ClassicStoc= k/Getty Images =C2=A0=C2=A0Right:=20 U.S. President Woodrow Wilson addresses a crowd in Tacoma, Washington, = during his League of Nations Peace Tour. Bettmann Archive/Getty Image= s

Zakaria=E2=80=99s once-over-lightly approach to history=E2=80=94with fiv= e centuries=20 of it crammed into 350-odd pages=E2=80=94can sometimes grate. In his eagern= ess=20 to bear out his major theme=E2=80=94that the current crisis is survivable i= f one learns from the past=E2=80=94he occasionally rushes through events, failin= g to=20 connect some dots. For example, even while he acknowledges that the U.S. =E2=80=9Csapped its strength=E2=80=9D with debacles such as Iraq and the 2= 008 financial crisis=E2=80=94a moment of disillusionment for China when as a senior Chin= ese=20 official, Wang Qishan, told then-Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, =E2=80=9C= We=20 aren=E2=80=99t sure we should be learning from you anymore=E2=80=9D=E2=80= =94he sometimes rather=20 glibly describes sequences of things in simplistic terms. When the Cold=20 War ended, Zakaria says, the country achieved a =E2=80=9Cconsensus on econo= mic=20 policy=E2=80=9D that =E2=80=9Copened the door for social issues to come to = the fore.=E2=80=9D It was a bit more complicated, actually. There was a misguided consensus=20 on neoliberalism, but the deep inequalities this created actually caused= many of these social issues to erupt. And after social issues came to = the fore the economic debate reerupted, giving rise to Trump=E2=80= =99s vicious populism, as angry whites began objecting to the widening dist= ribution of economic benefits<= /a> to ethnic minorities and immigration became a huge and volatile issue.<= /p>

It is also rather odd that Zakaria decides to mostly ignore the=20 significance of the American Revolution, writing that it was not a real=20 revolution in that it =E2=80=9Cserved more to reaffirm than subvert existin= g=20 hierarchies=E2=80=9D and that =E2=80=9Cfor all its political audacity, it d= id not=20 immediately transform society=E2=80=99s deeper structures.=E2=80=9D Okay, m= aybe not=20 immediately=E2=80=94but ultimately the American Revolution transformed the= =20 entire world of political philosophy as well as its practice. At least=20 as much as the Industrial Revolution, it got us where we are today=20 reconceived as Wilsonianism, which remade much of the globe because=20 America=E2=80=99s postwar world-builders believed, as U.S. President Woodro= w=20 Wilson himself declared in launching the League of Nations in 1918, that there should be =E2=80=9C= no=20 difference between American principles and those of mankind.=E2=80=9D (Chin= a and Russia, along with Iran and other nations, beg to differ, and it is no=20 accident that the Trumpian reaction in the U.S. has spawned so many=20 imitators abroad, from Viktor Orban to Jair Bolsonaro.) As far as=20 subverting old hierarchies goes, Trump has now achieved that end=20 completely, at least in the Republican Party, thanks to the=20 transformation of electoral power (especially in the last half century=20 or so as party nominations devolved from party bosses in smoke-filled=20 rooms to a more = radicalized primary electorate).

The American Revolution got us where we are today reconceived as Wilsonianism, which remade much of the=20 globe because America=E2=80=99s postwar world-builders believed that there= =20 should be =E2=80=9Cno difference between American principles and those of= =20 mankind.=E2=80=9D=C2=A0

As Zakaria breezes his way through titanic epochs like the Glorious=20 Revolution, the French Revolution and the Industrial Revolution, the=20 reader would be advised to keep by his side a copy of, say, Christopher=20 Clark=E2=80=99s new book Revolutionary Spring: Europe Aflame and the Fig= ht for a New World, 1848-49, a profound look at what =E2=80=9Ca non-linear, convulsive, intermittently violent and=20 transformative =E2=80=98unfinished revolution=E2=80=99=E2=80=9D really look= s like. The effects=20 of some revolutions can suffer from long delays, writes Clark, a=20 Cambridge University historian. This may have happened in the Arab=20 Spring; Clark writes that the European revolutions of 1848 were also=20 known as the =E2=80=9Cspringtime of the peoples=E2=80=9D but like the Arab = Spring were=20 crushed by revanchist forces. Clark observes that =E2=80=9Cin their swarmin= g=20 multitudinousness, in the unpredictable interaction of so many forces,=20 the tumults of the mid-nineteenth century resembled the chaotic=20 upheavals of our own day, in which clearly defined endpoints are hard to come by.=E2=80=9D He concludes: =E2=80=9CIf a revolution is coming for us,= it may look=20 something like 1848.=E2=80=9D

Zakaria also briefly cites the quasi-revolutions of 1848 in Europe as a cautionary tale, a =E2=80=9Csimilarly revolutionary age when the old=20 agricultural world was rapidly being replaced by new industrial one,=20 when politics, culture, identity and geopolitics were all being upended=20 by gale-forced winds of structural change.=E2=80=9D In the short run, he no= tes,=20 =E2=80=9Cthe Revolutions of 1848 failed. But in the ensuing years many of t= he=20 revolutionaries=E2=80=99 ideas were quietly adopted,=E2=80=9D preventing a = deeper=20 trauma.

Yet that took a very long time, and today=E2=80=99s issues are also like= ly to remain unresolved for a very long time. =E2=80=9CMost likely, the world we= are=20 going to live in will lie uneasily=E2=80=9D, Zakaria writes, between what h= e=20 calls =E2=80=9Cthe dual revolutions,=E2=80=9D the return of great-power pol= itics and the rise of the liberal order.

A police officer in riot gear pins down a protester holding a 13-st= ar U.S. flag on the marble surface outside the Capitol.

A polic= e=20 officer detains a pro-Trump protester holding a 13-star U.S. flag as a=20 mob storms the U.S. Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. Shannon St= apleton/Reuters

In the interim, perhaps we can save what remains of that order. For=20 all of America=E2=80=99s problems, it is still by far the dominant power in= =20 terms of its military, economy and technological edge. And we are all=20 still benefiting from an unprecedentedly peaceful moment in human=20 history: Never before has an international system been so=20 all-encompassing, with an array of secondary but rising powers so=20 co-opted by that system. The prosperity and stability provided by this=20 system has created, despite the inequities of globalization and the=20 resurgence of protectionism, a powerful and enduring motivation for=20 nations to remain part of it. Among these beneficiaries, crucially, is=20 China, which is far more integrated into the world economy than Russia=20 and has been enriched by it as much as the United States, Europe and=20 Japan.

Which forces will prevail in the=20 end: the revolutions that created the world we know today, or the=20 counter-revolutions seeking to undo it?

A key question is whether Xi Jinping and the Chinese leadership will=20 accept this reality, at least in part=E2=80=94or whether Xi, a would-be Mao= =20 Zedong, is too frightened by the threat economic liberalism poses to the legitimacy of the Communist Party. Much depends on Washington=E2=80=99s an= d=20 Beijing=E2=80=99s willingness to =E2=80=9Clive in peaceful albeit energetic= competition=E2=80=9D =E2=80=94an outcome, Zakaria writes, =E2=80=9Cmost of the world would ferv= ently=20 choose.=E2=80=9D

After the March 5 Super Tuesday primary results, which all but=20 guaranteed a 2024 rematch between Biden and Trump, the president said:=20 =E2=80=9CAre we going to keep moving forward or will we allow Donald Trump = to=20 drag us backwards into the chaos, division, and darkness that defined=20 his term in office?=E2=80=9D Biden has hardly been a perfect president=E2= =80=94but, yes, those are pretty much the stakes for the challenge that Zakaria lays=20 out in his book. Which forces will prevail in the end: the revolutions=20 that created the world we know today, or the counter-revolutions seeking to undo it?

We just don=E2=80=99t know. Trump is truly a historical oddity who could= , at=20 the helm of the biggest power in the world, make all the difference in=20 this outcome. Tolstoy was probably right: Human history isn=E2=80=99t decid= ed by =E2=80=9Cgreat=E2=80=9D men. But the opposite has too often been true: Pow= er-hungry=20 maniacs seeking personal gain have sometimes decided things for the rest of us, and for ages to come. Perhaps, if Trump is elected, China and=20 Russia will someday thank him. Or at the very least, maybe they=E2=80=99ll = erect a statue to honor Trump=E2=80=94our modern-day Ozymandias=E2=80=94amid the= ruins he=20 leaves behind.

=09 =09 =09

Books are independently selected by FP editors. FP earns an af= filiate commission on anything purchased through links to Amazon.com on this pag= e.

=09

Never miss a story: Click + to add au= thors, topics and regions to your My FP profile.

=20 Politics
=20 Geopolitics
=20 United States

=09 =09

Michael Hirsh is a columnist for Foreign Policy. He is = the author of two books:=C2=A0Capital Offense: How Washington=E2=80=99s = Wise Men Turned America=E2=80=99s Future Over to Wall Street=C2=A0and= =C2=A0At War With Ourselves: Why America Is Squandering Its Chance to Bu= ild a Better World. Twitter:=C2=A0@michaelphirsh

=09

--0000000000009c0c430614fc6889-- From cwfresidence@gmail.com Sun Mar 31 16:25:38 2024 Return-Path: X-Original-To: salon@mlm2.listserve.net Delivered-To: salon@mlm2.listserve.net Received: from mlm0.listserve.net (mlm0.listserve.net [161.35.233.68]) by mlm2.listserve.net (Postfix) with ESMTP id E1F30B0851 for ; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 16:25:37 -0700 (PDT) DKIM-Filter: OpenDKIM Filter v2.11.0 mlm2.listserve.net E1F30B0851 Authentication-Results: mlm2.listserve.net; dkim=pass (2048-bit key) header.d=gmail.com header.i=@gmail.com header.b="mJRQJzcF" Received: by mlm0.listserve.net (Postfix) id C8675BD009; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 16:25:37 -0700 (PDT) Delivered-To: salon@listserve.com Received: from mail-ej1-f46.google.com (mail-ej1-f46.google.com [209.85.218.46]) by mlm0.listserve.net (Postfix) with ESMTPS id 23584BD006 for ; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 16:25:37 -0700 (PDT) Received: by mail-ej1-f46.google.com with SMTP id a640c23a62f3a-a472f8c6a55so437448366b.0 for ; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 16:25:37 -0700 (PDT) DKIM-Signature: v=1; a=rsa-sha256; c=relaxed/relaxed; d=gmail.com; s=20230601; t=1711927535; x=1712532335; darn=listserve.com; h=to:subject:message-id:date:from:in-reply-to:references:mime-version :from:to:cc:subject:date:message-id:reply-to; bh=ilpqaVvvIAYRYxWSw09iIVJ/34DBqlzE1LX6xhFoPR4=; b=mJRQJzcFqlzXcbHGucFwaQz3kGt1mbITVTHgbH+LaZ/cadfDVoDWwkVEAue7mMnLDS OQ7VQqTyX8iqQUdpknSR2npz8N2ZnnAV7IbbwfPznEwFOdnAbomympnZyjES0rERQMn5 W2xDIe7gsNEsyLbtiTBBiXU93Q5YNq7TtihO8pvgPWQgEJdb6POBlIwdyBDLDmOMl321 wZc0r48Jfyp7Jo8KFki6R3hV2THHGoEo70JNIlZc/eek0tjtI94CzuGSe3tdvAc4yPp1 qK05dYpzpTJiNkGOuRiISZEI0p3gC2dBWYea55RuHf6zaBmyv2VEcMSJ2VO3YXrzx9mD g6Ew== X-Google-DKIM-Signature: v=1; a=rsa-sha256; c=relaxed/relaxed; d=1e100.net; s=20230601; t=1711927535; x=1712532335; h=to:subject:message-id:date:from:in-reply-to:references:mime-version :x-gm-message-state:from:to:cc:subject:date:message-id:reply-to; bh=ilpqaVvvIAYRYxWSw09iIVJ/34DBqlzE1LX6xhFoPR4=; b=nnpkiYjdkvgkF6xW8jiwworxztulbBt7fnBPYSrvCrCbkOBCpWNt5vn8yI4BpOlQ2Y ILws01xbW+Q5DBDQn280BTiE5Yg9IxIiFq+v0XvieJ1RJoP9Z4KRyv9pNdWC0ZdhqYbv vKZ0Nbarzn9reGQ7k6pO2coSLre4PHN1WdXz3DusZKuSKW0wsdPHbqCA/suIz8GqVEOE 9v+Q2dTG539AXtBj6AERJ3tfLyRBE6vf/neJhMo7hu7gw9GUcUlmD+1J3QwuWDXDDr1l tr1n/Lv5BOSwdykNOdPAhAmmXe/XbWvc/M2RBsICxzXvhpOnr25ge3J3qxzCaptZXyyE 8/Ug== X-Gm-Message-State: AOJu0Yy30WvMKjA+gxWFXh1UjlK3DywQblgjrUYIjiW6kbZUOV7fGMIe XgGuqZGz7t/BcgDod2gfQeheatWP0tx8KCmgLu1AbKgvC4eiMIyhlTZOH0x3XeTp8olTbF+HXjx mTXyV6KBTBYyFvf0vVBCax3VBN8UXSUXqt9o= X-Google-Smtp-Source: AGHT+IGmYq2+9dAntNAPDeOOFz/KEy5bwyMo7XKj0PpXkaz21V7UT0dhaaarIah9D+PCF07jqPSm9uT/OeQ13WIFIDk= X-Received: by 2002:a17:906:4796:b0:a4e:6228:89d4 with SMTP id cw22-20020a170906479600b00a4e622889d4mr1478310ejc.62.1711927534750; Sun, 31 Mar 2024 16:25:34 -0700 (PDT) MIME-Version: 1.0 References: <009b01da83c2$05de26b0$119a7410$@bigpond.net.au> In-Reply-To: <009b01da83c2$05de26b0$119a7410$@bigpond.net.au> From: Chas Freeman Date: Sun, 31 Mar 2024 19:25:35 -0400 Message-ID: To: salon@listserve.com Content-Type: multipart/related; boundary="0000000000009731f00614fd3022" Subject: [Salon] Israel's Holocaust trauma is a myth X-BeenThere: salon@listserve.com X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.33 Precedence: list List-Id: Discussion List for the Committee For The Republic List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 31 Mar 2024 23:25:38 -0000 --0000000000009731f00614fd3022 Content-Type: multipart/alternative; boundary="0000000000009731f00614fd3021" --0000000000009731f00614fd3021 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable *The Electronic Intifada * *Israel=E2=80=99s Holocaust trauma is a myth* Tony Greenstein 29 March 2024 Responding to a journalist=E2=80=99s question in October, former Israeli Pr= ime Minister Naftali Bennett fumed : =E2=80=9CAre you seriously =E2=80=A6 asking me about Palestinian civilians? What=E2=80=99s w= rong with you? Have you not seen what happened? We=E2=80=99re fighting Nazis.=E2=80=9D Bennett had been asked what would happen to babies in incubators and other patients who would die after Israel cut off the power to the Gaza Strip. There are many other examples of prominent Israeli politicians making similar statements. South Africa=E2=80=99s genocide case at the Internation= al Court of Justice documented many of them, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu=E2=80=99s bloody invocation of =E2=80=9CAmalek.=E2=80=9D In the wake of the 7 October attack, an exterminationist mood swept Israel. Israeli peace activist Adam Keller described how Roy Sharon, a radio and TV commentator on the main broadcasting corporation, spoke of his desire to see =E2=80=9Ca million dead bodies in Gaza.=E2=80=9D Keller wrote that =E2=80=9Cthe streets of Tel Aviv are flooded with red stickers reading =E2= =80=98Exterminate Gaza!=E2=80=99 Not =E2=80=98Destroy!,=E2=80=99 not =E2=80=98Flatten!=E2=80= =99 =E2=80=93 but clearly and explicitly =E2=80=98Exterminate Gaza!=E2=80=99 =E2=80=98Le-Ha-Sh-Mid!=E2=80=99 =E2=80= =93 =E2=80=98Exterminate!=E2=80=99 Every Hebrew-speaking Jewish Israeli knows from a young age exactly what this word means.=E2=80= =9D The lazy explanation for Israel=E2=80=99s genocidal and exterminationist me= ntality is =E2=80=9CHolocaust trauma.=E2=80=9D Using the Holocaust as a catch-all e= xplanation is convenient, because it absolves people of the need to look for the real cause of Israeli Zionist violence. One exponent of the =E2=80=9CHolocaust trauma=E2=80=9D explanation is Hannah Starman: The destruction of Beirut under the Israeli fire was *the* news item during my first school holidays. I was seven years old and I remember seeing Menachem Begin=E2=80=99s impassionate [sic] speeches, thinking that they ma= de sense. Knowing that Hitler was the ultimate evil, and hearing that Arafat was like Hitler, how could it be wrong to destroy him? But when I looked among the images of people in Beirut to find the Nazis, all I could see were people who looked poor, quiet or scared. Nothing like the tall and erect Nazis, shouting out orders in their uniforms and shiny boots. I was confused. And this confusion bred a lifelong interest in what was really going on in Israel. How could a people that had suffered so much cause so much suffering? Why were they telling the world that they were fighting the Nazis? And why did the world believe them? =E2=80=9CThe inability of many Israelis to tell the difference between Nazi= s and Palestinians, and their inability to recognize their own military superiority so that they could understand that they are no longer a powerless people trembling at the threshold of the extermination camps of Europe is not a willed stupidity. It is, rather, a pathological distortion based on the trauma of victimization not yet overcome.=E2=80=9D The problem with this is that Israelis are not the victims =E2=80=93 and ve= ry few Israelis are Holocaust survivors. The Zionist project from its beginning in the late 19th century was a project committed to the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. The Israeli state was not the product of the Holocaust. Is holocaust trauma transferrable? Can a political trauma be inherited? If so, why was this trauma absent in Israel=E2=80=99s early days? *Mythology of suffering* The first time the Holocaust became part of Israel=E2=80=99s school syllabu= s was in 1953. Just two hours were devoted to it. =E2=80=9CIsrael=E2=80=99s high priests believed that forgetting was ess= ential to =E2=80=A6 the task of creating a nation, the banning of the Shoah from becoming part of the collective consciousness was no exception.=E2=80=9D This =E2=80=9Ctrauma of victimization=E2=80=9D was not unique to Israel. It= also occurred in South Africa. Historian Elizabeth van Heyningen wrote of the British concentration camps set up during the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902, that: =E2=80=9CIn the wake o= f the huge mortality of over 25,000 people, mainly women and children, Afrikaners established a mythology of suffering that fed into emerging Afrikaner nationalism.=E2=80=9D No one should minimize the brutality of British tactics in South Africa, where Britain=E2=80=99s commander in chief Lord Kitchener first developed the counter-insurgency tactics used against colonized peoples. This mythology was responsible , according to Van Heyningen, for =E2=80=9Cmorally legitimating the Boer way = of life and the pre-war racial order.=E2=80=9D In the process, =E2=80=9CBlacks were= simply excised from the record.=E2=80=9D Ironically, in post-apartheid South Africa, =E2=80=9Cthe mythology of the c= amps is now being recycled in the interests of reconciliation.=E2=80=9D The Afrikan= ers too can empathize with Black South Africans because they also suffered! If Israelis are suffering from trauma, it is the trauma of colonists who have experienced a long-suppressed nightmare that the indigenous people =E2= =80=93 who they have subjugated for so long =E2=80=93 will rise up against them. *This too is not unique in Israel.* White slave owners also feared that those they had enslaved would rise up against them =E2=80=93 as they did in Haiti in 1791 =E2=80=93 and murder = them in their sleep. Whites in southern Africa also harbored these fears. I can vividly remember a Rhodesian woman in 1980 after the elections which brought ZANU-PF to power in the new Zimbabwe, crying in a BBC interview that she feared she and her children would be murdered in the night. The reaction of British governor Edward John Eyre to the Morant Bay rebellion in Jamaica in October 1865 =E2=80=93 when rioting killed 25 peopl= e =E2=80=93 was to kill almost 500 Black people , brutally flog 600 and burn down 1,000 houses. It became known as the Governor Eyre controversy. Karl Marx described Eyre as =E2=80=98=E2=80=98the unscrupulous tool of the West Indian planter.=E2= =80=9D When Palestinian fighters broke out of Gaza on 7 October, cutting through Israel=E2=80=99s Gaza Division like a knife through butter, it was indeed t= raumatic for Israelis. However this had nothing to do with the Holocaust and everything to do with the traditional settler-colonial reaction to native uprisings. Israel views its role as a colonial oppressor through the prism of the Holocaust. *Justifying colonial oppression* Another example of a traumatic settler reaction to native uprisings was in Kenya. In response to the Mau Mau rebellion of the 1950s some 150,000 Kenyans were imprisoned in concentration camps and subjected to savage torture =E2=80=93 one of the pr= isoners was former US president Barack Obama=E2=80=99s grandfather. Over 1,000 Afri= cans were hanged. The Mau Mau fighters were perceived by Britain as =E2=80=9Cthe face of international terrorism in the 1950s.=E2= =80=9D It is a widespread myth that Israel was founded because of the Holocaust. The belief grew up that Israel was =E2=80=9Cth= e world=E2=80=99s atonement for complicity in the Holocaust.=E2=80=9D This myth was assiduous= ly cultivated by the Western powers and Israel itself for political and strategic reasons. This despite the fact that during the Holocaust the Zionist movement ignored what was happening to Jews in Europe and even actively obstructed rescue attempts that didn=E2=80=99t involve Palestine. In March 1988 Professor Yehuda Elkana, a child survivor of Auschwitz, wrote an article in Israel titled =E2=80=9CThe Need to Forget.=E2=80=9D Elkana argue= d that the way Israel memorialized the Holocaust was responsible for Israelis=E2=80=99 =E2= =80=9Cprofound hatred=E2=80=9D of Arabs and that it was better to forget the Holocaust tha= n to let it provide the rationale for genocide. Unsurprisingly, Elkana=E2=80=99s article caused a storm of protest. But 36 = years later it is more relevant than ever. The way that Israel distorts and instrumentalizes Holocaust memory has led to it becoming the justification for genocide in Gaza. Professor Idith Zertal of Jerusalem=E2=80=99s Hebrew University described how: =E2=80=9CThe transference of the Holocaust situation onto the Middle East r= eality =E2=80=A6 not only created a false sense of the imminent danger of mass destruction. It also immensely distorted the image of the Holocaust, dwarfed the magnitude of the atrocities committed by the Nazis, trivializing the unique agony of the victims and the survivors, and utterly demonizing the Arabs and their leaders.=E2=80=9D Yet while Israel nationalized the memory of the Holocaust it =E2=80=9Cexclu= ded the direct bearers of this memory,=E2=80=9D the quarter of a million Holocaust survivors who were forced to emigrate to Israel. The Holocaust survivors were left to fend for themselves and a third of them were left to languish in poverty, forced to choose between eating and heating. Even German reparations intended for them were stolen by the Israeli state . *Exceptionalizing Jewish suffering* After the 1961 trial of Adolf Eichmann (a key Nazi architect of the Jewish genocide) the Holocaust came to play an increasingly important role in Israel=E2=80=99s portrayal of itself as a vi= ctim. =E2=80=9CBy means of Auschwitz,=E2=80=9D Zertal explained, =E2=80=9CIsrael = rendered itself immune to criticism and impervious to a rational dialogue with the world around her.=E2=80=9D Rather than drawing universal lessons from the Holocaust about the need to combat racism, Zionism drew the opposite conclusion. Racism, ethnic cleansing and genocide were justified *because* of the Holocaust. Zionism exceptionalized Jewish suffering, isolating it from its political and economic origins and thus its universal lessons about the need to combat racism. Every year Israel takes thousands of school children to visit Auschwitz in Poland, the former Nazi death camp. It does this not to warn against the dangers of a recurrence of fascism but in order to instill a militaristic nationalism and hatred of non-Jews in its young. As Israeli columnist Gideon Levy wrote in 2019: =E2=80=9CI have yet to hear a single teenager come back from Auschwit= z and say that we mustn=E2=80=99t abuse others the way we were abused. There has = yet to be a school whose pupils came back from Birkenau straight to the Gaza border, saw the barbed-wire fence and said, Never again. The message is always the opposite. Gaza is permitted because of Auschwitz.=E2=80=9D Zionism was founded on the basis that anti-Semitism was a unique and eternal hatred of Jews totally different from other forms of racism. Anti-Semitism was the product, not of the society around them but of the Jews themselves, Zionists claimed. Jews had caused anti-Semitism by living in =E2=80=9Cother people=E2= =80=99s countries.=E2=80=9D Zionism scorns the idea that Jews share a common experience of racism and genocide with other minorities. Zionist ideology has always held that because anti-Semitism was inherent in the non-Jew it was impossible to fight. In the words = of the founder of political Zionism, Theodor Herzl: =E2=80=9CIn Paris =E2=80= =A6 I achieved a freer attitude towards anti-Semitism, which I now began to understand historically and to pardon. Above all, I recognize the emptiness and futility of trying to =E2=80=98combat=E2=80=99 anti-Semitism.=E2=80=9D This was at a time when over half the French nation was conducting a successful fight against the framing for treason of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. Herzl was not interested in the Dreyfus Affair. *Nazi-inspired laws* In =E2=80=9CThe Need to Forget,=E2=80=9D Elkana told how =E2=80=9Cwhat happ= ened in Germany could happen anywhere, and to any people, also to my own.=E2=80=9D He argued that =E2=80=9Cthe very existence of democracy is endangered when = the memory of the dead participates actively in the democratic process.=E2=80= =9D That is exactly what has happened. Everything that Israel is doing today it justifies in the name of the fight against the =E2=80=9CArab Nazis.=E2=80=9D Elkana=E2=80=99s prediction 36 years ago is now coming true with a vengeanc= e in Gaza. He wrote of: a profound existential =E2=80=9CAngst=E2=80=9D fed by a particular interpre= tation of the lessons of the Holocaust =E2=80=A6 that we are the eternal victim. In this = ancient belief =E2=80=A6 I see the tragic and paradoxical victory of Hitler. Two na= tions, metaphorically speaking, emerged from the ashes of Auschwitz: a minority who assert, =E2=80=9Cthis must never happen again,=E2=80=9D and a frightene= d and haunted majority who assert, =E2=80=9Cthis must never happen to us again.=E2=80=9D *When 31 years later I called Israel =E2=80=9CHitler=E2=80=99s bastard offspring=E2=80=9D the Jewish Chronicle affected to be shocked but = the Israeli state was constructed in Nazi Germany=E2=80=99s image. The definiti= on of a Jew under Israel=E2=80=99s Law of Return mirrored that in Nazi Germany .* As Hannah Arendt noted , quoting Philip Gillon, despite all the condemnation of Nazi Germany, marriage between Jew and non-Jew was impossible in Israel too: =E2=80=9Cthe= re was certainly something breathtaking in the naivet=C3=A9 with which the prosecu= tion denounced the infamous Nuremberg Laws of 1935, which had prohibited intermarriage and sexual intercourse between Jews and Germans. The better informed among the correspondents were well aware of the irony, but they did not mention it in their reports.=E2=80=9D *Nazification* As Israeli historian Tom Segev wrote in his book *The Seventh Million*, Palestinians were seen as Nazis almost as soon as Germany had been defeated. It was emphasized to Holocaust survivors who took part in Israel=E2=80=99s so-called War of Independence in 1948 that the Arabs they = were fighting were the successors to those who had once tried to murder them. Quoting the diary of one of the fighters from the Zionist militias that carried out the mass expulsion of the Palestinians during the Nakba, Idith Zertal explained that =E2=80=9Cthe most eager [to carry out atrocities] wer= e those who had come from the [concentration] camps.=E2=80=9D David Ben-Gurion , Israel=E2=80=99s founding prime minister, explained , =E2=80=9Cw= e do not want the Arab Nazis to come and slaughter us.=E2=80=9D Zertal later noted t= hat the =E2=80=9CNazification of the enemy =E2=80=A6 [seems] to have characterized = the way of speech of Israel=E2=80=99s political, social and cultural elites.=E2=80=9D American political scientist Ian Lustick described how =E2=80=9CIsrael=E2=80=99s confl= ict with Arabs=E2=80=9D was constructed as =E2=80=9Cequivalent to its struggle with the Nazis.=E2= =80=9D German imperialism=E2=80=99s Judeocide was the pretext for the creation of a state= that began life with the Nakba, the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians. Every enemy of Israel was a =E2=80=9Cnew Hitler.=E2=80=9D Ben-Gurion remarked, just before the Eichmann trial that =E2=80=9Cwhen I li= sten to the speeches of the Egyptian president [Gamal Abdel Nasser] =E2=80=A6 it se= ems to me that Hitler is talking.=E2=80=9D To former Israeli defense minister Arie= l Sharon, the Palestine Liberation Organization=E2=80=99s chairman Yasser Ara= fat was =E2=80=9Clike Hitler, who wanted so much to negotiate with the Allies.=E2=80=9D As Zertal explained, there hasn=E2=80=99t been a war involving Israel =E2= =80=9Cthat has not been perceived, defined, and conceptualized in terms of the Holocaust.=E2= =80=9D Israel has mobilized the Holocaust =E2=80=9Cin the service of Israeli polit= ics.=E2=80=9D *The Holocaust industry* What scholar Norman Finkelstein memorably termed =E2=80=9CThe Holocaust Ind= ustry=E2=80=9D beg= an with the passing of the Yad Vashem Law in 1953. This established a Holocaust propaganda museum which fashioned a Zionist narrative of the Holocaust which not only ignored non-Jewish Holocaust victims but also the anti-Zionist Jewish resistance. A wall was established at Yad Vashem devoted to Haj Amin al-Husseini , the Palestinian leader that the British appointed Mufti of Jerusalem in 1921, and who later collaborated with the Nazis. As Israeli historian Tom Segev wrote, its purpose was to ensure that =E2=80=9Cthe visitor is left to conclude that th= ere is much in common between the Nazis=E2=80=99 plan to destroy the Jews and the = Arabs=E2=80=99 enmity to Israel.=E2=80=9D Although the Mufti was a reactionary, claims that he played a significant part in the Holocaust are without foundation. This did not stop the Mufti playing a =E2=80=9Cstarring role=E2=80=9D in Yad Vashem=E2=80=99s *Encyclop= edia of the Holocaust* . The article on the Mufti is longer than the articles on Nazi leaders Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich combined and longer than the article on Eichmann. It is only slightly exceeded in length by the entry for Hitler. There has been a concerted effort by Zionist leaders to portray the Palestinians as the authors of the Holocaust. In 2015 Netanyahu told the 37th World Zionist Congress that it was the Mufti who had given Hitler the idea to exterminate rather than expel the Jews from Germany. Netanyahu had previously written that the Mufti was =E2=80=9Cone of the initiators of the systematic exterminatio= n of European Jewry.=E2=80=9D This has long been a constant Zionist theme. Ben-Gurion asked one critic, =E2=80=9CIs he not aware that the Mufti was a counselor and a partn= er in the extermination schemes?=E2=80=9D It was suggested that Eichmann and the = Mufti had been friends; in fact, Eichmann never even met the Mufti. *Conscripting the Holocaust dead* In a funeral oration for a settler militia leader who had been killed by a Palestinian refugee who infiltrated from Gaza, Israel=E2=80=99s top general= Moshe Dayan claimed that =E2=80=9Cmillions of Jews, who were exterminated because they had no countr= y, are watching us from the ashes of Israeli history and exhorting us to settle and to build up a land for our people.=E2=80=9D The Jewish Holocaust dead were retrospectively conscripted into the Zionist project. *It was through the Holocaust that Israel could portray itself not as the aggressor, but as the eternal victim. The Holocaust was Israel=E2=80=99s get-out-of-jail-free card. To Israel, the Holocaust is a gift that has never stopped giving.* When Germany gave military and economic support to the Israeli state they could justify it as compensation for the Jewish Holocaust. As Yad Vashem explained , =E2=80=9Cpaying reparations would help accelerate West Germany=E2=80=99s ac= ceptance by the Western powers.=E2=80=9D And so it proved. When the Palestinian resistance attacked Israel on 7 October, the Zionists= =E2=80=99 immediate response was that this was a second Holocaust. *It was as if the reason for the break-out was not 17 years of a suffocating siege and 75 years of occupation, but the fact that Israel was a Jewish state. Presumably if Gaza=E2=80=99s occupiers had been Christians = then the Palestinians would have happily accepted their fate!* Despite exploiting the Holocaust survivors, Israelis had contempt for them as sheep who had gone to the slaughter; unlike them =E2=80=93 the =E2=80=9C= new Jews=E2=80=9D in Palestine, who were waging war against the Indigenous population. As Segev documented, the survivors were popularly called *sabon* =E2=80=93 Hebrew fo= r soap =E2=80=93 due to a belief that the Nazis used human fat to make soap during the war. The prevailing view among Jewish settlers in Palestine was that Holocaust survivors represented the =E2=80=9Csurvival of the worst.=E2=80=9D In the eyes of Ben-Gurion , they were =E2=80=9Chard, evil and selfish people and their experiences dest= royed what good qualities they had left.=E2=80=9D To Zionism the Holocaust was inexplicable, beyond history. It was =E2=80=9Ca sacred and essentially incomprehensible event.=E2=80=9D Its very irrationality enabled Israel to use it to defend the indefensible. *Even the extermination of Palestinians is justified by the Holocaust. In a so-called =E2=80=9CFriendship Song,=E2=80=9D Israeli school children in Nov= ember sweetly sang about the annihilation of the Palestinians of Gaza whom they called =E2=80=9Cswas= tika bearers.=E2=80=9D* The Holocaust may be the prism through which Israel justifies genocide but it is not the reason. It is not Holocaust trauma but a self-induced trauma of victimization which has enabled Israel=E2=80=99s genocide in Gaza. *Tony Greenstein** is the author of* Zionism During the Holocaust *.* Israel's Holocaust trauma is a myth | The Electronic Intifada --0000000000009731f00614fd3021 Content-Type: text/html; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

The Electro= nic Intifada

=C2=A0

Israel=E2=80=99s Holocaust trauma is a myth

Tony Greenstein=C2=A0

29 March 2024

= =C2=A0

Responding to a = journalist=E2=80=99s question in October, former Israeli Prime Minister Naf= tali Bennett=C2=A0fumed:= =E2=80=9CAre you seriously =E2=80=A6 asking me about Palestinian civilians= ? What=E2=80=99s wrong with you? Have you not seen what happened? We=E2=80= =99re fighting Nazis.=E2=80=9D

Bennett had been asked what would happen to babies in incubators= and other patients who would die after Israel cut off the power to the Gaz= a Strip.

There are m= any other examples of prominent Israeli politicians making similar statemen= ts. South Africa=E2=80=99s=C2=A0genocide case at the Internati= onal Court of Justice=C2=A0documented many of them, including Pr= ime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu=E2=80=99s=C2=A0bloody invocation=C2=A0of =E2=80=9CAmalek.=E2=80=9D

In the wake of the 7 October attack, an exterminationist m= ood swept Israel. Israeli peace activist Adam Keller described how Roy Shar= on, a radio and TV commentator on the main broadcasting corporation, spoke = of his desire to see =E2=80=9Ca million dead bodies in Gaza.=E2=80=9D

Keller=C2=A0wrote=C2=A0that = =E2=80=9Cthe streets of Tel Aviv are flooded with red stickers reading =E2= =80=98Exterminate Gaza!=E2=80=99 Not =E2=80=98Destroy!,=E2=80=99 not =E2=80= =98Flatten!=E2=80=99 =E2=80=93 but clearly and explicitly =E2=80=98Extermin= ate Gaza!=E2=80=99 =E2=80=98Le-Ha-Sh-Mid!=E2=80=99 =E2=80=93 =E2=80=98Exter= minate!=E2=80=99 Every Hebrew-speaking Jewish Israeli knows from a young ag= e exactly what this word means.=E2=80=9D

The lazy explanation for Israel=E2=80=99s genocidal = and exterminationist mentality is =E2=80=9CHolocaust trauma.=E2=80=9D Using= the Holocaust as a catch-all explanation is convenient, because it absolve= s people of the need to look for the real cause of Israeli Zionist violence= .

One exponent of th= e =E2=80=9CHolocaust trauma=E2=80=9D=C2=A0explanation=C2=A0is Hannah Star= man:

The destructi= on of Beirut under the Israeli fire was=C2=A0the=C2=A0news item duri= ng my first school holidays. I was seven years old and I remember seeing Me= nachem Begin=E2=80=99s impassionate [sic] speeches, thinking that they made= sense. Knowing that Hitler was the ultimate evil, and hearing that Arafat = was like Hitler, how could it be wrong to destroy him? But when I looked am= ong the images of people in Beirut to find the Nazis, all I could see were = people who looked poor, quiet or scared.

Nothing like the tall and erect Nazis, shouting ou= t orders in their uniforms and shiny boots. I was confused. And this confus= ion bred a lifelong interest in what was really going on in Israel. How cou= ld a people that had suffered so much cause so much suffering? Why were the= y telling the world that they were fighting the Nazis? And why did the worl= d believe them?

= =E2=80=9CThe inability of many Israelis to tell the difference between Nazi= s and Palestinians, and their inability to recognize their own military sup= eriority so that they could understand that they are no longer a powerless = people trembling at the threshold of the extermination camps of Europe is n= ot a willed stupidity. It is, rather, a pathological distortion based on th= e trauma of victimization not yet overcome.=E2=80=9D

The problem with this is that Israelis are= not the victims =E2=80=93 and very few Israelis are Holocaust survivors.

The Zionist project f= rom its beginning in the late 19th century was a project committed to the e= thnic cleansing of Palestine. The Israeli state was not the product of the = Holocaust.

Is holoca= ust trauma transferrable? Can a political trauma be inherited? If so, why w= as this trauma absent in Israel=E2=80=99s early days?<= /p>

Mythology of suffering

The first time the Holocaust be= came part of Israel=E2=80=99s school syllabus was in 1953. Just two hours w= ere=C2=A0devoted=C2=A0to it. =E2=80=9CIsra= el=E2=80=99s high priests believed that forgetting was essential to =E2=80= =A6 the task of creating a nation, the banning of the Shoah from becoming p= art of the collective consciousness was no exception.=E2=80=9D

This =E2=80=9Ctrauma of victimiz= ation=E2=80=9D was not unique to Israel. It also occurred in South Africa. = Historian=C2=A0Elizabeth van Heyningen wrote<= /a>=C2=A0of the British concentration camps set up during the Anglo-Boer Wa= r of 1899-1902, that: =E2=80=9CIn the wake of the huge mortality of over 25= ,000 people, mainly women and children, Afrikaners established a mythology = of suffering that fed into emerging Afrikaner nationalism.=E2=80=9D<= u>

No one should minimize the = brutality of British tactics in South Africa, where Britain=E2=80=99s comma= nder in chief=C2=A0 Lord Kitchener=C2=A0first developed the counter-insur= gency tactics used against colonized peoples.

This mythology was=C2=A0re= sponsible, according to Van Heyningen, for =E2=80=9Cmorally legi= timating the Boer way of life and the pre-war racial order.=E2=80=9D In the= process, =E2=80=9CBlacks were simply excised from the record.=E2=80=9D<= /u>

Ironically, in post-apa= rtheid South Africa, =E2=80=9Cthe mythology of the camps is now being recyc= led in the interests of reconciliation.=E2=80=9D The Afrikaners too can emp= athize with Black South Africans because they also suffered!<= /span>

If Israelis are suffering from tra= uma, it is the trauma of colonists who have experienced a long-suppressed n= ightmare that the indigenous people =E2=80=93 who they have subjugated for = so long =E2=80=93 will rise up against them.

This too is not unique in Israel.=

White slave owners also feare= d that those they had enslaved would rise up against them =E2=80=93 as=C2= =A0they did in Haiti in 1791<= /a>=C2=A0=E2=80=93 and murder them in their sleep.

Whites in southern Africa also harbored thes= e fears. I can vividly remember a Rhodesian woman in 1980 after the electio= ns which brought ZANU-PF to power in the new Zimbabwe, crying in a BBC inte= rview that she feared she and her children would be murdered in the night.<= u>

The reaction of Brit= ish governor=C2=A0 Edward John Eyre=C2=A0to the Morant Bay rebellion in Jamaica in October 1865 =E2= =80=93 when rioting killed 25 people =E2=80=93 was to=C2=A0kill almost 500 Black people, brutally flog 600 and burn down 1,000 houses. It became known as= the Governor Eyre controversy.=C2=A0Karl Marx described=C2=A0Eyre as =E2= =80=98=E2=80=98the unscrupulous tool of the West Indian planter.=E2=80=9D

When Palestinian figh= ters broke out of Gaza on 7 October, cutting through Israel=E2=80=99s Gaza = Division like a knife through butter, it was indeed traumatic for Israelis.= However this had nothing to do with the Holocaust and everything to do wit= h the traditional settler-colonial reaction to native uprisings.<= /u>

Israel views its role as a col= onial oppressor through the prism of the Holocaust.

Justifying colonial oppression=

Another example of a traumatic settler reaction to native uprisings was in= Kenya.

In response to=C2=A0the Ma= u Mau rebellion=C2=A0of the 1950s some 150,000 Kenyans=C2=A0were imprisoned=C2=A0in concen= tration camps and subjected to savage torture =E2=80=93 one of the prisoner= s was former US president Barack Obama=E2=80=99s grandfather. Over 1,000 Af= ricans were hanged. The Mau Mau=C2=A0fighters were=C2= =A0perceived by Britain as =E2=80=9Cthe face of international terrorism in = the 1950s.=E2=80=9D

= It is a widespread myth that Israel was founded because of the Holocaust.

The=C2=A0belief grew up that Israel was=C2=A0=E2=80=9Cthe world=E2=80=99s atonement for complicity in the Holocau= st.=E2=80=9D This myth was assiduously cultivated by the Western powers and= Israel itself for political and strategic reasons. This despite the fact t= hat=C2=A0 during the Holocaust the Zionist movement ignored=C2= =A0what was happening to Jews in Europe and even actively obstructed rescue= attempts that didn=E2=80=99t involve Palestine.

In March 1988 Professor Yehuda Elkana, a child= survivor of Auschwitz,=C2=A0wrote=C2=A0an article in Israel titled =E2= =80=9CThe Need to Forget.=E2=80=9D Elkana argued that the way Israel memori= alized the Holocaust was responsible for Israelis=E2=80=99 =E2=80=9Cprofoun= d hatred=E2=80=9D of Arabs and that it was better to forget the Holocaust t= han to let it provide the rationale for genocide.

<= p class=3D"MsoNormal">Unsurprisingly, Elkana=E2=80=99s article caus= ed a storm of protest. But 36 years later it is more relevant than ever. Th= e way that Israel distorts and instrumentalizes Holocaust memory has led to= it becoming the justification for genocide in Gaza.

Professor Idith Zertal of Jerusalem=E2=80= =99s Hebrew University=C2=A0described=C2=A0how: =E2=80=9CThe transference of the Holocaust situation onto the = Middle East reality =E2=80=A6 not only created a false sense of the imminen= t danger of mass destruction. It also immensely distorted the image of the = Holocaust, dwarfed the magnitude of the atrocities committed by the Nazis, = trivializing the unique agony of the victims and the survivors, and utterly= demonizing the Arabs and their leaders.=E2=80=9D

<= p class=3D"MsoNormal">Yet while Israel nationalized the memory of t= he Holocaust it =E2=80=9Cexcluded the direct bearers of this memory,=E2=80= =9D the quarter of a million Holocaust survivors who were forced to emigrat= e to Israel. The Holocaust survivors were left to fend for themselves and a= =C2=A0 third of them were left to languish=C2=A0i= n poverty,=C2=A0forced to choose=C2=A0between eating and heating. Even German reparations intended for= them were=C2=A0stolen by the Israeli state.

Exceptionalizing Jewish suffe= ring

After=C2=A0= t= he 1961 trial=C2=A0of=C2=A0A= dolf Eichmann=C2=A0(a key Nazi architect of the Jewish genocide)= the Holocaust came to play an increasingly important role in Israel=E2=80= =99s portrayal of itself as a victim.

=E2=80=9CBy means of Auschwitz,=E2=80=9D Zertal explained= , =E2=80=9CIsrael rendered itself immune to criticism and impervious to a r= ational dialogue with the world around her.=E2=80=9D

Rather than drawing universal lessons from= the Holocaust about the need to combat racism, Zionism drew the opposite c= onclusion. Racism, ethnic cleansing and genocide were justified=C2=A0bec= ause=C2=A0of the Holocaust. Zionism exceptionalized Jewish suffering, i= solating it from its political and economic origins and thus its universal = lessons about the need to combat racism.

Every year Israel takes thousands of school children= to visit Auschwitz in Poland, the former Nazi death camp. It does this not= to warn against the dangers of a recurrence of fascism but in order to ins= till a militaristic nationalism and hatred of non-Jews in its young.=

As Israeli columnist Gideo= n Levy=C2=A0wrote=C2=A0in 2019: =E2=80= =9CI have yet to hear a single teenager come back from Auschwitz and say th= at we mustn=E2=80=99t abuse others the way we were abused. There has yet to= be a school whose pupils came back from Birkenau straight to the Gaza bord= er, saw the barbed-wire fence and said, Never again. The message is always = the opposite. Gaza is permitted because of Auschwitz.=E2=80=9D

Zionism was founded on the basis= that anti-Semitism was a unique and eternal hatred of Jews totally differe= nt from other forms of racism. Anti-Semitism was the product, not of the so= ciety around them but of the Jews themselves, Zionists claimed. Jews had ca= used anti-Semitism by=C2=A0living= =C2=A0in =E2=80=9Cother people=E2=80=99s countries.=E2=80=9D<= /span>

Zionism scorns the idea that Jews = share a common experience of racism and genocide with other minorities.<= /u>

Zionist ideology has al= ways held that because anti-Semitism was inherent in the non-Jew it was imp= ossible to fight.=C2=A0In the words=C2=A0of the founder of political Zionism, The= odor Herzl: =E2=80=9CIn Paris =E2=80=A6 I achieved a freer attitude towards= anti-Semitism, which I now began to understand historically and to pardon.= Above all, I recognize the emptiness and futility of trying to =E2=80=98co= mbat=E2=80=99 anti-Semitism.=E2=80=9D

This was at a time when=C2=A0over half the French nation= =C2=A0was conducting a successful fight against the framing for treason of = Captain Alfred Dreyfus. Herzl was not interested in the Dreyfus Affair.<= /u>

Nazi-inspired laws

In =E2=80=9CThe N= eed to Forget,=E2=80=9D Elkana told how =E2=80=9Cwhat happened in Germany c= ould happen anywhere, and to any people, also to my own.=E2=80=9D=

He argued that =E2=80=9Cthe v= ery existence of democracy is endangered when the memory of the dead partic= ipates actively in the democratic process.=E2=80=9D That is exactly what ha= s happened.

Everythi= ng that Israel is doing today it justifies in the name of the fight against= the =E2=80=9CArab Nazis.=E2=80=9D

Elkana=E2=80=99s prediction 36 years ago is now coming true = with a vengeance in Gaza. He wrote of:

a profound existential = =E2=80=9CAngst=E2=80=9D fed by a particular interpretation of the lessons o= f the Holocaust =E2=80=A6 that we are the eternal victim. In this ancient b= elief =E2=80=A6 I see the tragic and paradoxical victory of Hitler. Two nat= ions, metaphorically speaking, emerged from the ashes of Auschwitz: a minor= ity who assert, =E2=80=9Cthis must never happen again,=E2=80=9D and a frigh= tened and haunted majority who assert, =E2=80=9Cthis must never happen to u= s again.=E2=80=9D

When 31 years later=C2=A0I called I= srael=C2=A0=E2=80=9CHitler=E2=80=99s bastard offspring=E2=80=9D = the=C2=A0Jewish Chronicle=C2=A0affected to be shocked but the Israel= i state was constructed in Nazi Germany=E2=80=99s image. The definition of = a Jew under Israel=E2=80=99s Law of Return=C2=A0mirr= ored that in Nazi Germany.

As=C2=A0Hannah Arendt not= ed, quoting Philip Gillon, despite all the condemnation of Nazi = Germany, marriage between Jew and non-Jew was impossible in Israel too: =E2= =80=9Cthere was certainly something breathtaking in the naivet=C3=A9 with w= hich the prosecution denounced the infamous Nuremberg Laws of 1935, which h= ad prohibited intermarriage and sexual intercourse between Jews and Germans= . The better informed among the correspondents were well aware of the irony= , but they did not mention it in their reports.=E2=80=9D

Nazification

As Israeli historian Tom Segev wrote i= n his book=C2=A0The Seventh Million, Palestinians were seen as Nazis= almost as soon as Germany had been defeated. It was emphasized to Holocaus= t survivors who took part in Israel=E2=80=99s so-called War of Independence= in 1948 that the Arabs they were fighting were the successors to those who= had once tried to murder them.

Quoting the diary of one of the fighters from the Zionist milit= ias that carried out the mass expulsion of the Palestinians during the Nakb= a, Idith Zertal explained that =E2=80=9Cthe most eager [to carry out atroci= ties] were those who had come from the [concentration] camps.=E2=80=9D

David Ben-Gurion, Israel=E2=80=99s founding prim= e minister,=C2=A0explained, =E2=80=9Cwe do not want the Arab Nazis to come and slaughter us.= =E2=80=9D Zertal later noted that the =E2=80=9CNazification of the enemy = =E2=80=A6 [seems] to have characterized the way of speech of Israel=E2=80= =99s political, social and cultural elites.=E2=80=9D

American political scientist=C2=A0Ian Lustick described=C2=A0how =E2=80=9CIsrael= =E2=80=99s conflict with Arabs=E2=80=9D was constructed as =E2=80=9Cequival= ent to its struggle with the Nazis.=E2=80=9D German imperialism=E2=80=99s J= udeocide was the pretext for the creation of a state that began life with t= he Nakba, the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians.

Every enemy of Israel was a =E2=80=9Cnew Hi= tler.=E2=80=9D

Ben= -Gurion remarked, just before the Eichmann trial that =E2=80=9Cwhen I liste= n to the speeches of the Egyptian president [Gamal Abdel Nasser] =E2=80=A6 = it seems to me that Hitler is talking.=E2=80=9D To former Israeli defense m= inister Ariel Sharon, the Palestine Liberation Organization=E2=80=99s chair= man=C2=A0Yasser Arafat was=C2=A0=E2=80=9Clike Hitler, who = wanted so much to negotiate with the Allies.=E2=80=9D<= /p>

As Zertal explained, there hasn=E2=80=99t= been a war involving Israel =E2=80=9Cthat has not been perceived, defined,= and conceptualized in terms of the Holocaust.=E2=80=9D Israel has mobilize= d the Holocaust =E2=80=9Cin the service of Israeli politics.=E2=80=9D

The Holocaust industry=

What scholar No= rman Finkelstein memorably=C2=A0termed =E2=80=9CThe Holocaust Industry=E2=80=9D=C2= =A0began with the passing of the=C2=A0= Yad Vashem Law=C2=A0in 1953. This established a Holocaust propag= anda museum which fashioned a Zionist narrative of the Holocaust which not = only ignored non-Jewish Holocaust victims but also the anti-Zionist Jewish = resistance.

A wall w= as established at Yad Vashem devoted to=C2=A0Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Palestinian leader that th= e British appointed Mufti of Jerusalem in 1921, and who later collaborated = with the Nazis. As Israeli historian Tom Segev wrote, its purpose was to en= sure that =E2=80=9Cthe visitor is left to conclude that there is much in co= mmon between the Nazis=E2=80=99 plan to destroy the Jews and the Arabs=E2= =80=99 enmity to Israel.=E2=80=9D

Although the Mufti was a reactionary, claims that he played a= significant part in the Holocaust are without foundation. This did not sto= p the Mufti playing a =E2=80=9Cstarring role=E2=80=9D in=C2=A0Yad Vashem=E2=80=99s=C2=A0Encycloped= ia of the Holocaust. The article on the Mufti is longer than= the articles on Nazi leaders Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich combin= ed and longer than the article on Eichmann. It is only slightly exceeded in= length by the entry for Hitler.

There has been a concerted effort by Zionist leaders to portra= y the Palestinians as the authors of the Holocaust. In 2015=C2=A0Net= anyahu told=C2=A0the 37th World Zionist Congress that it was the= Mufti who had given Hitler the idea to exterminate rather than expel the J= ews from Germany. Netanyahu=C2=A0had previously written=C2=A0that the Mufti was =E2=80=9Cone of = the initiators of the systematic extermination of European Jewry.=E2=80=9D<= u>

This has long been a= constant Zionist theme.=C2=A0Ben-Gurion asked=C2=A0one critic, =E2=80=9CIs he = not aware that the Mufti was a counselor and a partner in the extermination= schemes?=E2=80=9D It was suggested that Eichmann and the Mufti had been fr= iends; in fact, Eichmann never even met the Mufti.

=
Conscripting the Holocaust dead=
In a funeral oration for = a settler militia leader who had been killed by a Palestinian refugee who i= nfiltrated from Gaza, Israel=E2=80=99s top general=C2=A0Moshe Dayan claimed=C2=A0that =E2=80= =9Cmillions of Jews, who were exterminated because they had no country, are= watching us from the ashes of Israeli history and exhorting us to settle a= nd to build up a land for our people.=E2=80=9D
The Jewish Holocaust dead were retrospectively c= onscripted into the Zionist project.
It was through the Holocaust that Israel could portray = itself not as the aggressor, but as the eternal victim. The Holocaust was I= srael=E2=80=99s get-out-of-jail-free card. To Israel, the Holocaust is a gi= ft that has never stopped giving.
When Germany gave military and economic support to the Is= raeli state they could justify it as compensation for the Jewish Holocaust.= As=C2=A0Yad Vashem exp= lained, =E2=80=9Cpaying reparations would help accelerate West G= ermany=E2=80=99s acceptance by the Western powers.=E2=80=9D And so it prove= d.
When the Palestin= ian resistance attacked Israel on 7 October, the Zionists=E2=80=99 immediat= e response was that this was a second Holocaust.
It was as if the reason for the break-out w= as not 17 years of a suffocating siege and 75 years of occupation, but the = fact that Israel was a Jewish state. Presumably if Gaza=E2=80=99s occupiers= had been Christians then the Palestinians would have happily accepted thei= r fate!
Despite = exploiting the Holocaust survivors, Israelis had contempt for them as sheep= who had gone to the slaughter; unlike them =E2=80=93 the =E2=80=9Cnew Jews= =E2=80=9D in Palestine, who were waging war against the Indigenous populati= on. As Segev documented, the survivors were popularly called=C2=A0sabon<= /i>=C2=A0=E2=80=93 Hebrew for soap =E2=80=93 due to a belief that the Nazis= used human fat to make soap during the war.
The prevailing view among Jewish settlers in Pales= tine was that Holocaust=C2=A0survivors represented=C2=A0the = =E2=80=9Csurvival of the worst.=E2=80=9D=C2=A0In the eyes of Ben-Gurion, the= y were =E2=80=9Chard, evil and selfish people and their experiences destroy= ed what good qualities they had left.=E2=80=9D
To Zionism the Holocaust was inexplicable, beyon= d history.=C2=A0It was=C2=A0=E2=80=9Ca sacred and essent= ially incomprehensible event.=E2=80=9D
Its very irrationality enabled Israel to use it to defen= d the indefensible.
Even the extermination of Palestinians is justified by the Holocaust. In= a so-called =E2=80=9CFriendship Song,=E2=80=9D=C2=A0I= sraeli school children in November sweetly sang=C2=A0about the a= nnihilation of the Palestinians of Gaza whom they called =E2=80=9Cswastika = bearers.=E2=80=9D
The Holocaust may be the prism through which Israel justifies genocide bu= t it is not the reason. It is not Holocaust trauma but a self-induced traum= a of victimization which has enabled Israel=E2=80=99s genocide in Gaza.<= /u>
Tony Greenstein is the author of=C2=A0Zionis= m During the Holocaust.
Israel's Holocaust trauma is a myth= | The Electronic Intifada

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From Palestine: The Way to= Celebrate Easter

U.S. and Israel=E2=80=99s =E2=80=98Unprecedented=E2=80=99 Intelligence= Sharing Draws Criticism

As deaths mount in Gaza, some question whether American-provided i= nformation is adding to the humanitarian crisis