President Biden and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida at Camp David, Aug. 18, 2023. Photo: evelyn hockstein/Reuters
After
six months in which the Middle East seemed to suck all the oxygen out
of the Oval Office, the White House is pivoting to the Indo-Pacific this
week as Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida arrives for consultations and a state dinner. President Biden and Mr. Kishida will be joined Thursday by Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. for talks on China’s growing military threat to the Philippines.
The
deepening security relationship with an increasingly activist Japan is
the heart of America’s strategy, which illustrates both the potential
and possible pitfalls in Team Biden’s approach. As China’s power has
grown and it has cast off the “peaceful rise” policy of Deng Xiaoping’s
era, Tokyo sees Beijing’s ambitions as a direct and increasingly urgent
threat to its security and independence. If China compels Taiwan to
unite with the mainland and makes good on its sweeping claims in the
South China Sea, Beijing will be able to restrict Japan’s trade with the
world. Tokyo is responding to this threat, made more powerful by
China’s growing alliance with Russia, by increasing defense spending,
strengthening its security relationship with the U.S., and enhancing
military cooperation and engagement with neighbors like the Philippines.
Yet
close American cooperation with Japan comes at a cost. Chinese
nationalists see Japan as China’s greatest historical enemy and the U.S.
as China’s most powerful contemporary opponent. Photos of Mr. Kishida
clinking champagne flutes with Mr. Biden will inflame Chinese public
opinion and allow regime propagandists to whip up support for Xi Jinping at a time of economic stress.
Most Westerners yawn when they read official Chinese documents, but as Steve Tsang and Olivia Cheung
write in their concise and important new book, “The Political Thought
of Xi Jinping,” there is much to be learned from them. A vision of
zero-sum competition with the U.S. is at the heart of China’s approach
to international politics, and hostility toward Japan is central to the
Communist Party’s goal of uniting the Chinese people behind Mr. Xi and
the party elite.
In
2014 Mr. Xi added three memorial days to the Chinese calendar,
celebrated with marches and events throughout the country. Two of the
three are explicitly anti-Japan. One commemorates the victims of the
1937 Nanjing Massacre, and the other celebrates Japan’s defeat in World
War II. Chinese textbooks and curricula have been revised to highlight
the evil intentions and relentless ambition of Japan and the U.S. The
idea that national unity under communist leadership is the way to
frustrate China’s foreign enemies is central to regime propaganda.
We
should make no mistake. Both elite and mass Chinese public opinion will
read this week’s U.S.-Japan summit as a serious escalation of
Washington’s direct challenge to Mr. Xi and his goal of unification with
Taiwan. The question is whether the Biden administration and the
country it leads are prepared for the blowback.
With widely respected Asia hand Kurt Campbell
at the No. 2 spot in the State Department after his February Senate
confirmation, a chief architect of America’s Asian diplomatic strategy
is well-placed to keep strengthening and integrating America’s vital
alliances and partnerships across the Indo-Pacific. Yet old questions
linger. Does Mr. Biden understand how serious the challenge from China
is? Does he have a plan for American and allied success? Is he willing
and able to give his military and diplomatic teams the resources and
political support they need?
Not everybody in Asia is convinced that the answer is yes. An annual survey
of business, political and civil-society actors by the Singapore-based
ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute found for the first time this year that a
slim majority of Southeast Asian leaders would, if forced to choose, opt
for China over the U.S. as their “preferred alignment choice in the
region.” Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia were among the countries where
majorities would choose China in a pinch.
Those
skeptical Southeast Asians are onto something. America’s failure to
match China’s epochal military buildup—not a lack of diplomatic
activism—is the root cause of the region’s geopolitical insecurity.
Better security cooperation with Japan, a goal of this week’s talks, can
help at the margins, but a serious policy for the Indo-Pacific requires
larger investments from the U.S. than Team Biden is currently ready to
provide.
As
a result, American policy in Asia is to speak loudly while brandishing a
small stick. If we persist, it won’t matter how many toasts American
and Japanese leaders drink together or how many memos of understanding
they sign. Unless we get the basics right, Mr. Xi’s China will one day
call our bluff.
To
China's frustration, the Aukus partnership between the U.S., U.K. and
Australia to deliver Virginia-class nuclear-powered submarines is
gaining ground, despite funding challenges to the U.S. submarine
industrial base. Images: U.S. Navy/Zuma Press/AP Composite: Mark Kelly
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Appeared in the April 9, 2024, print edition as 'Does Biden Take China’s Threat Seriously?'.