The chaos unfolded as the United States heads into a sensitive time related to the presidential election. Biden and former president Donald Trump
will appear at their parties’ nominating conventions this summer, and
both events appear poised to draw a large number of demonstrators. This
summer also marks four years since protests exploded nationwide
following the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
Already,
members of Congress, college administrators and some big-city mayors
have started more closely controlling who gets into their events to try
to minimize disruptions. Some colleges, including the University of Michigan, are expressly warning students they could face expulsion if they disrupt end-of-the-semester campus events.
At
least so far, the pro-Palestinian protests have been relatively small
compared with the Black Lives Matter demonstrations in 2020. Analysts
also caution that there are historical limits to how large a social
movement can grow when the matter at hand is not taking place in the
United States or directly involves American troops.
But
with pro-Palestinian protest organizers vowing that Monday’s action was
just the beginning of more direct engagement, analysts say the
demonstrations are almost certain to add even more unpredictability to
this year’s political calendar.
“If
this continues for another six months, I would expect that the types of
tactics deployed do escalate and we do see more extreme protests,” said
Omar Wasow, assistant professor in political science at the University
of California at Berkeley who has extensively studied protest movements
since the civil rights era. “There will become a more militant faction
that advocates for more extreme tactics.”
In an interview with The Washington Post, one organizer of Monday’s demonstrations in California suggested just that.
“Today
is proof that people are going to fight and keep escalating until there
is a permanent cease-fire,” said Sha Wiya Falcon, who participated in a
demonstration that shut down a freeway in Oakland.
Protesters shut down southbound traffic in Oakland. (Brontë Wittpenn/San Francisco Chronicle/AP)
Analysts
note that the pro-Palestinian movement is now a sprawling network of
groups, many of which have different views about what tactics are
acceptable or effective. Many of the groups have a diffuse
leadership structure — or no leader at all — and that can make it
especially hard to predict the movement’s next steps. During the civil
rights era, Wasow noted, there was a more cohesive group of leaders who
set guideposts for what sort of tactics could be used at different
moments in time.
But
analysts say whatever protest activity materializes in the coming weeks
will pose a new challenge for Biden, who has struggled to balance his
administration’s support for Israel against the growing demands from his
liberal coalition that he press for an immediate end to the conflict.
Four years ago, amid the Black Lives Matter protests, it was Trump who was
in the White House as some demonstrations became disruptive and shook
some Americans’ confidence in the stability of the nation.
This
year, it is Biden who will be forced to reassure voters if disruptive
protests become commonplace. He must also win over younger voters who
form a sizable chunk of the overall pro-Palestinian movement.
Vincent Pons, an associate professor at the Harvard Business School, recently released a study that shows protest
movements in general do not factor into Americans’ political
considerations at the ballot box. Of 14 protests and movements studied
from 2017 through 2021, Pons concluded that only the Black Lives Matter
demonstrations in 2020 “increased votes for Democrats.”
“Overall,
our findings point to the limited success of recent protest waves at
shifting the beliefs and behavior of the U.S. electorate, at least in
the short run,” the report states.
Still,
Pons says pro-Palestinian demonstrators could intensify in the coming
months, because activists know Biden “does not want the disruption.”
“Whether
or not the protests continue will depend on whether they feel heard by
the administration,” Pons said. “The fact the protests will take place
so close to a presidential election could imply that the administration
will be more likely to pay attention.”
Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through a shopping mall in Los Angeles on Monday. (David Swanson/Reuters)
Wasow
agrees, saying one lesson from the civil rights era is that protesters’
“more extreme tactics” tend to be more influential “with the elites”
who are trying to guard against upheaval.
“When
protesters use extreme tactics, they might lose the public, but
nevertheless they get to signal to leaders who then want to manage the
issue,” Wasow said. “So, in that way, more extreme tactics might hurt
you at the ballot box … but they also could help you get policy
responses from leaders.”
The evolution of the pro-Palestinian protest is occurring as public opinion about the war in Gaza has shifted.
In late March, Gallup released a poll
indicating 55 percent of Americans disapproved of Israel’s military
operation in Gaza, while 36 percent approved. Just 18 percent of
Democrats now approve of the action, down from the 36 percent of
Democrats who approved of it in November.
But
analysts caution pro-Palestinian demonstrators may undermine popular
opinion if the public feels that demonstrators are undertaking too
radical of protest tactics.
Robb
Willer, a professor of psychology and sociology at Stanford University,
has done research that shows “extreme tactics reduce popular support
for social movements.” Willer said public support begins shifting away
from movements that engage in “property destruction, physical harm to
other people or major disruption to day-to-day life.”
Blocking
access to major airports or highways, as pro-Palestinian protesters did
Monday, would generally fall into the category that could result in
backlash from the public, Willer said. Those tactics, however, tend to
increase media attention, so some activists consider the trade-off to be
worth it.
“We
call it the activist dilemma,” Willer said. “They are really good at
getting you media attention … so different movements, at different
stages of mobilization, may have a different calculus of whether the
trade-off is worth it.”
Khalil
Abualya, a second-generation Palestinian American who has helped
organize some low-profile demonstrations at the University of
Mississippi, worries about internal disagreements within the movement.
Abualya
says that over the past six months, Americans have become more familiar
and sympathetic with the Palestinian cause. His colleagues on campus,
for example, no longer ask him if he’s from Pakistan when tells them
he’s Palestinian.
But
he fears some of that progress he and other activists have made is at
risk if other demonstrators “are shutting down roads and shutting down
bridges and hurting people.”
“I
feel it’s a dangerous game to play because, in that moment, in that
setting, we are the face of the problem,” Abualya said. “There are
real-life consequences to everything we do.”
Still, Abualya sees some value in making Biden feel uncomfortable.
The senior pharmacy student has already decided he will not vote for
Biden in November, highlighting the president’s challenges in decisively
winning young voters as he did in 2020.
“I
am definitely not voting for Biden,” Abualya, 23, said. “He sat there
and watched for six months as our families got decimated” in Gaza.
Youssef
Chouhoud, a political science professor at Christopher Newport
University in Virginia, said the continued protests will only further
highlight how much support Biden has lost among core Democratic constituencies because of the war.
Chouhoud,
who is Egyptian American, said there is a “large segment” of Muslim
Americans who would withhold their vote for Biden if the election were
held today.
“I
don’t see any evidence that [the protests] will lose steam,” Chouhoud
said. “They may change in terms of mode, but in terms of intensity …
this is still top-of-mind to a large segment of the Democratic
electorate.”
Niha Masih contributed to this report.