I
 hope you enjoy today’s column and podcast. Please consider becoming a 
paid subscriber. Paid subscribers help me cover the cost of contributing
 fact-based analysis and understanding to a debate that has become 
increasingly polarised and weaponised. To become a paid subscriber, 
please click on the subscription button at http://www.jamesmdorsey.substack.com and choose one of the subscription options. Thank you.
Prime
 Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has fractured a long-standing pillar of 
Israeli foreign policy that dictated it always needed to ensure the 
backing of the United States. Fixing the pillar may prove easier said 
than done.
The
 Turbulent World with James M. Dorsey is a reader-supported publication.
 To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or 
paid subscriber.
US President Joe Biden’s insistence that US support for Israel is “ironclad,” despite the conditioning of arms sales,
 is rooted as much in the president’s deep-seated commitment to Israel 
as it is a reminder of the risk to Israel of surrendering a principle 
that enabled Israel to do what it wanted.
To be sure, past US presidents, including Ronald Reagan, have put the US-Israeli relationship on the line to pressure Israeli leaders.
Israeli Prime Minister Menahem Begin and US President Ronald Reagan. Credit: Israel Government Press Office
Mr.
 Netanyahu’s defiance of US insistence that it refrains from launching a
 full-blown offensive in Gaza, saying that 76 years ago when Israel 
declared independence, “We were alone. We had no weapons, there was an 
arms embargo on Israel… Today, we are much stronger… If we have to stand alone, we will stand alone,” echoes his predecessor, Menahem Begin, Israel’s first right-wing prime minister.
Responding in 1982 to the Reagan administration and then US Senator Joe Biden’s criticism
 of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon and Israeli settlement policy, Mr. 
Begin thundered, “Don’t threaten us with cutting off your aid. I am not a
 Jew with trembling knees. I am a proud Jew with 3,700 years of proud 
history… We will stand by our principles. We will defend them. And when necessary, we will die for them, with or without your aid.”
Mr. Netanyahu’s problem is that America in the 2020s is not America of the 1980s.
While
 not irreversible, Mr. Biden’s pausing of the delivery to Israel of 
heavy payload 2000 and 500-pound bombs, and the threat of further 
conditioning of arms sales, suggests that the days are gone in which Mr.
 Netanyahu could boast about US support for the Jewish state.
Binyamin Netanyahu boasts in the 1980s about Israeli influence in the United States. Source: Twitter
Speaking
 on Israeli television in the 1980s when he first served as deputy chief
 of mission at the Israeli embassy in Washington and then as ambassador 
to the United Nations, Mr. Netanyahu bragged, “We have the Senate, the Congress, and a record-strong Jewish lobby. We have a strong influence over the general support in America. America won’t force us into anything.”
Contrast that with Mr. Biden’s change of US policy in recent days, demands by Congressional Democratic Party members demanding a halt to US arms sales, nationwide pro-Palestinian protests at US university campuses, and opinion polls showing that more than half of Americans disapprove of Israel’s war conduct.
Moreover, Israel, long a master in dominating the narrative and catering to Western media’s needs, has lost the plot.
Not only has Israel severely restricted media access and gone as far as banning Al Jazeera from reporting from Israel, but it no longer seems able or willing to provide credible information and arguments.
To
 be sure, defending the policies of the most far-right, 
ultranationalist, and ultraconservative government in Israel’s history 
would be challenging under any circumstance.
Even so, Israeli government spokesman Avi Hyman demonstrated Israel’s loss of the plot in a lengthy interview on Piers Morgan Uncensored, the prominent British journalist’s popular YouTube talk show.
Piers Morgan interviews Avi Hyman. Source: YouTube
Interviewed
 against the backdrop of numerous allegations of violations of 
international law in Gaza and on the day of the reported discovery of yet another mass grave at a hospital in the Strip that Israeli forces attacked, Mr. Hyman was flustered and speechless when asked by Mr. Morgan how many Palestinian civilians had been killed in the seven-month-old war.
“We
 don’t have exact figures. As you know, it’s the fog of war,” Mr. Hyman 
answered, unable to explain why Israel had precise numbers of fighters 
it says it killed but not for the civilian casualty toll.
Mr.
 Hyman remained silent for painful seconds when Mr. Morgan challenged 
him by saying, “You literally have no idea how many civilians you 
killed… That’s complete nonsense. Why are you authorized to give me the 
number of terrorists you killed but not a number of civilians? I don’t 
understand… You want me to believe that you are incredibly careful about
 how many civilians you are killing, and you have an ‘amazing exemplary 
record,’ but you don’t how many civilians you are killing. So, how do I 
know you’ve been careful?”
Israel
 has consistently rejected the Gaza health ministry’s figure of more 
than 34,000 deaths and more than 75,000 wounded in the seven-month-old 
war without providing alternative numbers. Still, asserts it killed 
14,000 Palestinian fighters.
Analysts
 suggest that Mr. Netanyahu’s abandoning of a pillar of Israeli foreign 
policy amounts to submitting to blackmail by his ultra-nationalist and 
ultra-conservative coalition partners, who have threatened to collapse the government if the prime minister fails to launch an offensive in Rafah.
While
 that may be true, Mr. Netanyahu’s affinity with Israel’s far-right and 
religious ultra-conservative may not be just an opportunistic move to 
save his political skin. His empathy for the religious 
ultraconservatives, despite being secular in outlook, dates back to the 
days when he felt confident about the US-Israeli relationship.
Binyamin Netanyahu visits Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson. Credit: Chabadinfo
At
 the time, Mr. Netanyahu forged a relationship with the Brooklyn-based 
Lubavitch Hassidic Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson, leader of one of the 
most influential movements in religious Jewry. Mr. Netanyahu described 
Mr. Schneerson, who died in 1994, as “the most influential Jew of our time.”
Mr.
 Schneerson fiercely opposed an Israeli withdrawal from territories it 
conquered in the 1967 Middle East war. He called the principle of 
withdrawal in exchange for peace with the Palestinians and Arab states, 
fixture of Israeli policy abandoned by Mr. Netanyahu an "illusion of peace.”
Addressing
 the United Nations General Assembly years after Mr. Schneerson’s death,
 Mr. Netanyahu quoted the rabbi as telling him, "You will be serving in a house of darkness, but remember that even in the darkest place, the light of a single candle can be seen far and wide.”
That
 advice may be guiding Mr. Netanyahu as much as his willingness to 
sacrifice Israel’s national security interests and the lives of 
Hamas-held hostages to pro-long his embattled political life.
Israeli soldiers in Gaza chant. Credit: Middle East Eye
Mr. Netanyahu’s invocation early in the war, echoed by Israeli politicians and military personnel fighting in Gaza,
 of the Biblical command to “attack the Amalekites and totally destroy 
all that belongs to them. Do not spare them; put to death men and women,
 children and infants, cattle and sheep, camels and donkeys” fits the 
mould of Mr. Schneerson’s thinking.
Although challenged by numerous rabbinical scholars
 over the centuries, Mr. Schneerson led ultra-conservative rabbis in the
 1980s in popularizing and applying to Palestinians the concept of 
Amalek, the grandson of Esau and his descendants and anyone else who 
lived in their Canaanite territory.
The ultraconservatives view Amalek as the archetype of evil symbolic of Israel, and the Jews’ nemeses.
While
 Mr. Netanyahu may be a cat with nine lives who will grab any 
opportunity that serves his personal interests, Mr. Schneerson and his 
fellow ultra-conservatives offer the prime minister religious 
legitimization of policies that have deprived Israel of its moral 
standing and put at risk a key pillar of Israel’s ability to defend 
itself.
Dr.
 James M. Dorsey is an Adjunct Senior Fellow at Nanyang Technological 
University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, and the 
author of the syndicated column and podcast, The Turbulent World with James M. Dorsey.