"Israel has lots of weak spots, issues around which you tiptoe so as not to raise a furor. What we'll do is simply ignite all these powder kegs, all the questions and contradictions between Judaism and democracy, between the Jewish character and the secular character, without fearing the consequences... Break all the rules and the status quo… The rebellion won't permit the state's existence in the same way."
The above sentences appeared in a document seized from the home of Meir Ettinger, the extremist Rabbi Meir Kahane's grandson, who was arrested in 2015 after the terror attack in which the Palestinian Dawabshe family was murdered in the West Bank village of Duma. The Shin Bet security service found it when it raided the homes of several right-wing extremist activists who were led by Ettinger.
Ettinger was placed in detention without trial on suspicion of heading an underground movement named the Rebellion whose goal was to topple the government by force. The document found in the home was described as the organization's action plan. Now, it reads like the operating manual of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's sixth government.
This week, a senior political official cited two major reasons for Hamas' surprise attack on October 7. "The intelligence clearly shows that they understood the country had been considerably weakened as a result of the internal clash," the official said. "They debated and asked themselves if they should let Israel fall on its own, or attack and accelerate the fall. The other clear reason for the attack was what they recognized as an erosion and violation of the status quo on the Temple Mount. [Hamas leader in Gaza] Yahya Sinwar is a very religious person who begins conversations with quotes from the Quran."
Justice Minister Yariv Levin ignited the powder keg of the judicial coup while National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir started his own fire with his frequent visits to the Temple Mount compound in Jerusalem, and they both made a decisive contribution to the catastrophe in October.
The government's rebellion against Israeli democracy has continued during the war, albeit not at the earsplitting volume as before. Ben-Gvir has taken over further areas of the police; the Supreme Court, lacking a permanent president, is a weak, conservative entity keeling over from the burden placed upon it. A few of the lower courts' judges realize which judges the regime wants to promote and which it doesn't, and some of their rulings raise the suspicion that they were made accordingly. Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara spoke this week about "the silent coup" seen in the blatant politicization of the civil service, whose frightening aspect was revealed this week in journalist Raviv Drucker's expose on the culture of lies and shady dealings practiced by Transportation Minister Miri Regev.
Justice Minister Yariv Levin on the day of his testimony in Netanyahu's trial in Jerusalem this month.Credit: Olivier Fitoussi
Baharav-Miara is too quiet considering the most dangerous aspect of what she warned about: police brutality and false arrests in demonstrations against the regime, inspired by the insatiable minister in charge of law enforcement. Ben-Gvir recently spoke at a meeting about a visit to Neve Tirza Prison in which he met Ilana Saporta, who was jailed after sending threatening letters and bullets to former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett's house. He railed against "selective enforcement" and asked why those who allegedly threaten the life of the premier weren't behind bars as well.
The government's efforts to take over legal enforcement and stamp out the protest movement are not restricted to Netanyahu and Ben-Gvir's aggressive pressure on law enforcement. "In internal meetings, they express an expectation that the Shin Bet use its tools against parts of the protest [movement]," says a government official who took part in the meetings. "They want to turn it into a thought police."
Haaretz was told that a few weeks ago, Levin, Ben Gvir, Baharav-Miara, State Prosecutor Amit Aisman, Police Commissioner Kobi Shabtai, Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar and others met to discuss threats against public figures. Levin repeated that phrase that is so popular in the coalition, "selective enforcement." He pointed a finger at all leaders and accused them of not adequately dealing with activists' "threats and harassments," first and foremost, of course, "the severe incitement against the prime minister" – whose life, he said, was in real danger.
Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara at a legal conference in Eilat this week.Credit: Sassy Horesh
Shabtai, whose policemen run wild in demonstrations, objected to Levin's statement and said the police's job is to ensure the freedom of protest and to prevent "lines being crossed." Baharav-Miara dismissed the complaints of discrimination against the right as "complete nonsense." Bar also vehemently rejected the claim that the service only acts against one side of the political map.
He said that the social rupture was the greatest threat to the country but hinted that the Shin Bet was not the organization to deal with it, and that public figures were responsible for putting out the fire, not pouring more fuel on it. Bar added that the police were responsible for keeping public order and that that Shin Bet would handle extreme cases firmly. "The Shin Bet will not become a secret police," he said in conclusion.
Netanyahu and his ministers would be happy to replace all the non-partisan officials who attended this meeting. Shabtai, despite a supreme effort to appease Ben-Gvir, also became a target when he set a limit to his backbone's flexibility. This week, the minister was ready to summon him to a "hearing" after Shabtai reported to Baharav-Miara that Ben Gvir was giving orders to senior officers behind his back. As part of the rebellion plan, the minister is trying to put an obedient puppet in the commissioner's role, one who won't flinch from filling emergency rooms with wounded demonstrators and who will allow him to run the police directly.
Political leaders would also be happy to take revenge on Baharav-Miara. One of the prime minister's confidants said in a private conversation recently that the attorney general was neglecting to protect the premier's life. "They want to take him out, and Baharav-Miara isn't doing anything," he complained. "Why aren't they detaining until end of trial those making threats and burning tires, like they arrested the one who sent Bennett threatening letters? It's deliberate. Baharav-Miara is stronger than Netanyahu. She is untouchable. He can be deemed unfit."
Police Commissioner Kobi Shabtai at the scene of a car accident in which Ben-Gvir was involved last month.Credit: Tomer Appelbaum
Since it's clear to all there is no chance of ousting the attorney general, the government is trying to bypass her by ignoring legal opinions and going to private lawyers who will do the government's political bidding.
The Shin Bet story is the most complex. In a properly run country, Bar, like Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzl Halevi, would have quit the day after the disgraceful intelligence fiasco. But suspicion toward Netanyahu's government makes former and current senior Shin Bet officials cautious. One of them recently said in a private forum that a few senior officials, including his predecessors, have told Bar in recent months that he mustn't resign before the prime minister does under any circumstance, for fear that Netanyahu will appoint a collaborator instead. "The horror going on in the police and the prison service could happen there, too," a senior official told Haaretz.
If he wants to take over the Shin Bet, Netanyahu might adopt the national security minister's tactics. One of Ben-Gvir's main levers of pressure on the police is that the minister has the power to authorize every appointment from the rank of chief superintendent and higher. A yearned-for promotion is the main reason senior officers are submitting to the Kahanist's agenda by practicing violence against the demonstrators and letting investigations against government officials gather dust. Examples can be found in the cases of gun license approvals and the issuing of diplomatic passports to members of Netanyahu's party.
Ben-Gvir and his ministry chief of staff, Hanamel Dorfman, this week.Credit: Olivier Fitoussi
"The prime minister can decide that from now on, to get rid of all the 'leftists' in the service, he will [have to] authorize appointments of department heads and upward," a source familiar with the issue says. "As soon as that happens, the Shin Bet head will become his puppy, wagging his tail so his appointments are authorized."
Every three months, the Shin Bet gives the attorney general a list of Israeli citizens who are targets of phone tapping. "The attorney general has no real tools for supervision," a senior official says. "They must trust the Shin Bet head to act for reasons of security and nonpartisanship."
The Shin Bet also does security vetting for senior public figures, meaning it has access to sensitive, intimate information about them that should be inaccessible to politicians. One can only imagine what would happen if the Shin Bet were headed by someone who is serving a government, fighting tooth and nail to survive.