Re: [Salon] Trump the peacemaker? If only that were true.



I was sorely disappointed in Stephen Kinzer after he’d written such excellent histories previously, when he adopted the Quincy(Koch) Institute/The American Conservative propaganda meme they successfully “gaslighted” us with. That was originally conceived by Charles Koch, Peter Thiel, and Sheldon Adelson to “reinvent” Conservative/Republicans in 2015 after having lost two POTUS elections in a row running their usual war-fevered candidates, but now to be fraudulently reinvented as “Right-wing Peaceniks.”  Or “Restrainers” as they misrepresent themselves as. All while inciting war against China/Iran/Palestinians.

Most egregiously was this line of his: "Most intriguing about this political turnabout is that it does not represent a new departure for conservative Republicans, but rather a return to form. Over the past century and more, Republicans have repeatedly emerged as powerful voices opposing US intervention abroad. Today’s antiwar Republicans are calling the party back to its roots.

B.S.!

As was this PsyOp by QI/TAC: https://quincyinst.org/events/the-new-right-ukraine-marks-major-foreign-policy-shift-among-conservatives/

Compare that to Kinzer’s own writings on the Dulles brothers, U.S. Republican sponsored coups, etc., and even Pat Buchanan’s ready acknowledgement that it was Republicans who launched our (further flung) Overseas Imperialism. Though he omits in this that from 1921 - 1933, the Republicans were at the peak of their “Banana Wars,” which Kinzer should be able to remember something of. And in the midst of supposed “Conservative” opposition to entering WW II, were a lot of “Conservative \Libertarian Fascist sympathizers,” like Bill Buckley, Sr. (even taking a detour to visit Italy in 1939) of the former and H.L. Mencken of the latter! And then in the 1950s, a “Conservative Movement” arose in opposition to Eisenhower’s relative sanity/moderation, with Bill Buckley, Jr., James Burnham, and Willmoore Kendall (Tradtional Conservatives) even calling for “preemptive nuclear war” against all of the USSR, China, and any “Red” country that was on our nuclear bomber flight-path, like Albania!

When Cold War movies presented nuclear apocalypse scenarios like Dr. Strangelove and FailSafe, those characters demanding U.S. nuclear attack represented voices of the aforesaid “Conservatives,” which is readily to be found even of one can’t remember them. And are far more accurate history than the right-revisionist history Charles Koch/Peter Thiel funded-think tanks/media platforms are now feeding us to create a false impression of a “Conservative Peace Tradition” Trump/Vance are part of, and which Kinzer fell for!

Attachment: 10. Splendid Little War.pdf
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Attachment: 11. The New Imperialists.pdf
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Buchanan Quote: "The leading Republicans of this era were unmoved by some gauzy vision of a world without war or altruistic idea of what was best for mankind. They made decisions based on what would enhance U.S. power and glory. McKinley and TR were imperialists, not globalists; unilateralists, not multilateralists. Throughout the years prior to and during the Great War, Theodore Roosevelt would strive to make clear how different was his internationalism from that of Wilson and Bryan . . . "

But in “Right-Revisionism," such as from Quincy(Koch) Institute/TAC, war-mongers like Bill Buckley, Jr., become “Restrainers,” if only on their death-bed, as related here:

Quote: "Indeed, thanks to the Iraq War and the mendacity of his old allies, the neocons who promoted it so ardently, the scales appeared to have fallen from Buckley's eyes. As Jeffrey Hart wrote in the American Conservative, “Buckley had expressed doubts about the Iraq War from the beginning ... During the last two years of his life, Bill Buckley understood the facts about Iraq and their implications.”
. . . 
"It is arguable that on matters of war and peace Buckley ended up holding positions closer to those held by his nemesis Gore Vidal than the Republican standard bearers in 2008 and 2012. Which is to say that by the end of his life, with regard to U.S. foreign policy, Buckley was getting it right.”

B.S.!

Here is the real Bill Buckley!
Quote: "I said ten days ago that if I had known back then in February 2003 what we know now I would not have counseled war against Iraq. That statement struck some as disloyal to a cause, some others as prime bait for exploitation by such as Senator Kerry. (TP-"I was for the war, before I was ag'in it.”)
. . . 
"The single missing component here is what was implied in President Bush’s speech to the National Security Complex: that a dramatic show of U.S. military strength was necessary to fortify the U.S. presence in the world. If it is true that Qaddafi came around because of what he had seen in Iraq, that point is carried. It is strengthened further by reasoning that North Korea may have been terminally persuaded not to proceed on an apocalyptic course by reason of the fate of Saddam Hussein.

This does not vindicate the war as we have engaged in it. Knocking off Saddam Hussein was one challenge. A second was to devolve the responsibility for rebuilding Iraq politically. This we now know keenly should have been done by others, with support from the United States. This point the president will need to focus on in the days ahead.

(TP-Peace Through Strength - like Trump/Vance on Ukraine: support war against Russia, but let Europe fight  and pay for it as we have "bigger wars to fight” with China (and stay of of the way of Israeli genocide!)


And this is what Buckley actually said, with his “Conservative postules” spurting all over the world, with he himself both “Father of Traditional Conservatism,” and the same with its off-shoot, Neo-Conservatism. Leaving no distinction except the original difference of "Traditional Conservatives” as the dead-enders on Segregation as Buckely was long past its “expiration date.”  Like TradCon favorite here, John P. East, who with his fellow "Far-Right Traditional Conservative,” Jesse Helms, even opposed Caspar Weinberger as “too liberal!” With those of the Scoop Jackson/Barry Goldwater Democrats attaching “neo” to themselves, to distinguish themselves from these “Crazies,” on domestic issues of race. 

Quote: "The accompanying postulate was that the invading American army would succeed in training Iraqi soldiers and policymkers to cope with insurgents bent on violence.

This last did not happen. And the administration has, now, to cope with failure. It can defend itself historically, standing by the inherent reasonableness of the postulates. After all, they govern our policies in Latin America, in Africa, and in much of Asia. The failure in Iraq does not force us to generalize that violence and antidemocratic movements always prevail. It does call on us to adjust to the question, What do we do when we see that the postulates do not prevail–in the absence of interventionist measures (we used these against Hirohito and Hitler) which we simply are not prepared to take? It is healthier for the disillusioned American to concede that in one theater in the Mideast, the postulates didn’t work. The alternative would be to abandon the postulates. To do that would be to register a kind of philosophical despair. The killer insurgents are not entitled to blow up the shrine of American idealism. 

So Kinzer ask: "So which course would Trump choose as president — their militancy or Gabbard’s restraint? Given his mercurial mindset, there’s no way to know.

You would think Kinzer as a historian would have some trust in the predictive power of past history (if one doesn’t distort it), but he’s put that aside in the Trump era it seems, or he might look to Trump’s ultra-militaristic history, such as this:

Attachment: WebPage.pdf
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Democrats, unfortunately, with their own “cognitive war campaign” of portraying Trump as a “peacenik,” have done more to falsely portray Trump as intending to “end the endless wars,” as if that’s a bad thing, than even Trumpites like QI/TAC. But this is what the Trumpites, as part of Project 2025, actually have in mind!

https://thebulletin.org/2024/07/trump-has-a-strategic-plan-for-the-country-gearing-up-for-nuclear-war/
Trump has a strategic plan for the country: Gearing up for nuclear war

By Joe Cirincione | July 2, 2024



On Sep 7, 2024, at 12:38 PM, xxxxxx> wrote:

https://www.bostonglobe.com/2024/09/07/opinion/trump-tulsi-gabbard-peace-ukraine/

Trump the peacemaker? If only that were true.

A lot of voters would like a less belligerent US foreign policy. But it’s hard to imagine a second Trump term would really deliver that.

By Stephen Kinzer – Boston Globe -- September 7, 2024

Finally we have a presidential candidate who will pull the United States back from militarism and endless war. At least that’s what former Democratic US Representative Tulsi Gabbard said in endorsing Donald Trump last month. What she said might be enough to win my vote for Trump — if only I could believe it.

“He not only didn’t start any new wars, he took action to de-escalate and prevent wars,” Gabbard said in her endorsement speech. She said Trump sees war “as a last resort” and would “exhaust all means of diplomacy” before bombing or invading other countries. As president, she asserted, Trump would “walk us back from the brink of nuclear war” and “have the courage to meet with adversaries.”

At this moment, with horrific conflicts raging in several parts of the world and tensions between the United States and its adversaries reaching explosive levels, that is a tantalizing vision. Opinion surveys suggest that growing numbers of Americans no longer want the United States to dominate the world. There are votes to be won by promoting a more peaceful foreign policy. Trump realizes this. Perhaps that’s one reason he smiled so beatifically as he listened to Gabbard describe him as a peacemaker.

That description, though, is hard to swallow in light of Trump’s record. Rather than deal with Iran through “means of diplomacy,” for example, he ripped up the 2015 nuclear deal and ordered the assassination of a senior Iranian military commander. Rather than continuing the Obama administration’s nonconfrontational stance toward Russia, he approved the sale of heavy weapons to the Ukrainian government in 2017. Instead of trying to nudge Israelis and Palestinians toward compromise, he took provocative steps like moving the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

Trump created a Space Force aimed at militarizing the earth’s atmosphere, bragged about dropping the world’s most powerful nonnuclear bomb on Afghanistan, kept American troops in Iraq and Syria, and happily sent American weaponry to countries accused of serious human rights violations. He ordered far more drone strikes on foreign targets than either his predecessor or his successor, and he ended President Obama’s policy of reporting civilian deaths caused by such strikes. Especially vivid was his decision to name some of Washington’s most extreme warmongers to direct his foreign policy.

Mike Pompeo, Elliott Abrams, and John Bolton have spent careers promoting conflict and scorning diplomacy. They are the polar opposites of Tulsi Gabbard, who has spent much of her career advocating against US military actions abroad. So which course would Trump choose as president — their militancy or Gabbard’s restraint? Given his mercurial mindset, there’s no way to know.

The difference between a Secretary of State Gabbard and a Secretary of State Bolton is so vast as to be mind-boggling. Bolton and his ilk have never seen an American war they didn’t like and favor a no-compromise approach to hostile countries. When Gabbard represented Hawaii in Congress, she sponsored the No More Presidential Wars Act, which would have made it an impeachable offense for a president to send troops into combat without congressional approval. She calls US sanctions on other countries “an instrument of modern-day economic warfare” and opposes “counterproductive wars of regime change.”

These two views of the world, and of America’s place in it, have almost nothing in common. Only a candidate with as muddled a world view as Trump’s could imagine trafficking with both. Only voters willing to make a dangerous gamble would support Trump in the hope that he will reduce global tensions.

One argument for making that gamble might be the surprisingly hawkish tone Kamala Harris has taken in her campaign. While Trump seeks to promote war and peace at the same time, Harris talks mostly about war. In her speech at the Democratic convention, she said nothing about the possibility that the United States could promote global initiatives in public health, food security, or environmental protection. She did, however, promise that the United States would maintain “the strongest, most lethal fighting force in the world,” confront “Iran and Iran-backed terrorism,” and “always assure that Israel has the ability to defend itself.”

Most distressing was her explicit rejection of diplomacy with hostile countries. “I will not cozy up to tyrants and dictators,” she thundered. Presidents Kennedy, Reagan, Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama all met with leaders of hostile countries. Harris suggests that she will refuse to do so. That dramatically reduces prospects for resolving foreign conflicts.

The platform on which Harris is running is considerably more militant than the one Democrats adopted four years ago. In 2020, the Democrats said they would work to end “forever wars” and cancel the “blank check” America gives to Persian Gulf sheikdoms. In the 2020 platform, Democrats pledged not to “race to war with Iran.” In 2024, they denounced Trump for showing “fecklessness and weakness in the face of Iranian aggression.”

Despite those words, and given that party platforms are often forgotten after elections, it is reasonable to hope that as president, Harris would be less warlike than Biden has been. She might be more sensitive to the great loss of American influence in the world over the last eight years. Yet like nearly everyone in Washington, she believes in American hegemony and fiercely rejects the idea of a “multipolar world” that might replace it.

As for Trump — who knows? Unless he suddenly begins singing from Gabbard’s hymnal, it’s foolish to see him as a peace candidate. Gabbard endorsed him based on hope. His record makes that hope seem far-fetched.

--

Stephen Kinzer is a senior fellow at the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs at Brown University.

 



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