America is racing toward a fiscal apocalypse, unprepared for the serious social upheaval that could result.
Here’s
a proposal for next summer’s program organizers: a conference devoted
to preparing a plan for the collapse of the U.S. public debt market and
the dollar’s world reserve status — and the economic and social
consequences of such an event. With debts already about to surpass the nation’s entire GDP, and adding close to $2 trillion
more this year, only a dwindling number of denialists doubt that a
cataclysmic reckoning, including double-digit damage to Americans’
income growth, lies ahead. It’s past time to prepare.
An
eye-catching, attendance-building title for the conference would come
easily: “Preparing for Armageddon”; “Climbing Out of the Ashes”; “The
Day the Dollar Died.”
Once
one proposes the topic, the agenda writes itself. The meeting would
need panels on which government safety-net promises to renege on
immediately, which previously sacred discretionary spending to
eliminate, how to protect the nation with a shrunken defense budget and
which new taxes to impose.
Given
the dead end into which our leaders have already steered us, though,
these measures won’t come close to meeting the moment.
A
highly stimulating session could be committed to asset sales. A basic
tool in any bankruptcy is to look through the balance sheet for
marketable property. The federal government owns a ton of it, ranging
from its vast land holdings to electromagnetic spectrum to student debt.
Deciding which assets to monetize, in what order, would make for a
fascinating afternoon discussion.
We’ll
need a plan for dealing with creditors. What size haircut or
renegotiated duration might bondholders be willing to stomach? Surely we
could do better than, say, the Argentines, but how much better? What
demands might foreign sovereign bondholders try to place on the United
States, and how could those demands be countered?
The
economic issues might well be the simplest to anticipate. Maybe the
most likely of many possible triggering events is the day when — not if —
tens of millions of Americans are told that the trust funds are not
trustworthy, and that the safety-net benefits they have been receiving
are about to be reduced, perhaps drastically.
One
panel at this conference could be charged with drafting messages
attempting to explain to an enraged public the necessities of that
unfortunate situation. (But at that point, no words, however artful,
will suffice.)
The
sense of social betrayal that the debt crisis will stir might require
actions the nation has rarely contemplated. An accompanying economic
collapse could unleash violent reactions in a country that has become
grimly familiar or even inured to such conduct.
Which of the president’s more than 100 unilateral emergency powers might be needed? Martial law has been invoked at least 68 times,
but no act of Congress defines it. Should it be included as a possible
response to widespread civil unrest? If so, under what limits?
What is and is not permitted by the language of the Insurrection Act,
authorizing the use of the military not just to “suppress the
rebellion” but also to suppress an “unlawful combination or conspiracy”
that “hinders the execution of the laws”?
It
shouldn’t fall to the summer conference community to fashion such a
plan. Any well-run business or institution engages in disaster scenario
planning as standard practice. Collapses of creditor confidence tend to
happen suddenly; that would be no time to start the thought process.
In
every executive assignment I’ve been given, I’ve commissioned tabletop
exercises to think through conceivable major threats, ranging from
natural disasters to a sudden product failure, and to draw up specific
action plans ready for swift implementation if the worst should happen.
The bottom left-hand drawer of whatever desk I was occupying at the time
always held several of these “redbook” plans, most of them for
contingencies far less likely than the debt cataclysm that more and more observers are now calling probable or even unavoidable.
One
would like to believe that a redbook plan for a national debt emergency
rests, ready for implementation, in somebody’s White House desk. But
given that an effective response would require action across so many
agencies — a “whole of government”
approach, as the current administration likes to label its extralegal
impositions — if such a plan had been assembled, odds are we’d know
about it. Besides, the crowd in charge now has spent 3½ years exacerbating the debt problem, in denial that there is one.
A British maxim says (there are various renderings),
“Now that the money has run out, we shall have to begin to think.” When
it’s already clear that the money will run out, it’s unconscionable to
wait that long. Since our national leaders, from both parties,
have made the reckoning so probable, the least they can do is to start
thinking about how to meet the fiscal judgment day when it arrives.