[Salon] Sisi’s Republic of Delusions



Sisi’s Republic of Delusions

Summary: as President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi plows ahead with ever more grandiose mega projects the disconnect between the Egyptian government and its impoverished citizenry grows ever deeper.

We thank our regular contributor Maged Mandour for today’s newsletter. Maged is a political analyst who also contributes to Middle East Eye and Open Democracy. He is a writer for Sada, the Carnegie Endowment online journal and the author of the recently published and highly recommended Egypt under El-Sisi (I.B.Tauris) which examines social and political developments  since the coup of 2013. You can find Maged’s most recent AD podcast here. 

On 19 December, during the D-8 summit of 8 Islamic countries in Cairo, the Sisi regime unveiled a new Presidential Palace, located in the New Administrative Capital (NAC). A picture of opulence, the palace is 10 times the size of the White House, covering an estimated 170 Feddans. The unveiling of the palace led to open criticisms of its opulence and size at a time when the country is going through a dramatic debt crisis with a record increase in poverty rates.

The criticism was strong enough that the president was prompted to respond claiming that the cost was born by the Administrative Capital for Urban Development (ACUD) with the government renting buildings at a total annual cost of between 7-10 billion EGP. He conveniently failed to mention that the ACUD is 51% owned by the military, making this a case of mass (mis-)appropriation of public funds.

The criticisms seem to have caught Sisi by surprise and is indicative of a trend that signals eroding support amongst the mass of Egyptians for the regime’s ideological edifice. Namely, a chauvinistic form of nationalism that uses large vanity buildings - with little or no apparent economic benefit - to propagate a narrative of national greatness. Granted it has been effective in soliciting support amongst large segments of the populace by serving as a physical manifestation of the regime's conception of nationalist revival (and the obliteration of its internal enemies.) However, the narrative now appears to be crumbling under the weight of economic dislocation and mass pauperisation.

The regime’s embrace of large vanity projects started early in Sisi‘s tenure with the Suez Canal expansion launched in 2015 and costing an estimated US$8 billion. The project was heavily touted in regime controlled media, with the then head of the Suez Canal Authority, Mohab Mamish stating that the expansion would bring revenues of up to US$100 billion. It was a blatant piece of propaganda with the figure seemingly snatched from thin air.

When the project failed to achieve the promised economic revival Sisi backtracked stating in 2023 that the goal was to “raise national morale.” This same logic has been applied to other projects that offer little in terms of economic return. For example, there is the Tahya Misr (Long Live Egypt) Bridge, the widest suspended bridge in the world, which was opened in 2019. Another even more lavish example is the Grand Mosque in the New Administrative Capital, which was opened in 2023. At the time, the mosque was estimated to have cost 800 million EGP (US$25.9 million.) It is not only huge, being the second largest in Africa, but boasts the tallest pulpit in the world standing at 16.6 metres. The mosque also claims that with a diameter of 22 metres and a whopping 24,300kg weight it possesses the largest chandelier in the world. The Grand Mosque was opened in a ceremony attended by Sisi in April 2023 at the height of the debt crisis.


With tens of millions of Egyptians slipping ever deeper into poverty Sis’s grand projects serve to accentuate the divide between rich and poor [photo credit: Egypt Gov]

Such lavish spending might be misconstrued as simply showing a regime isolated and out of touch with the suffering of the mass of Egyptians. Though partially correct, that interpretation ignores the overall ideological narrative which Sisi and the cabal around him have constructed. The narrative asserts that these projects are not only worthy and sensible but a material representation of nationalistic ideals of grandeur.

This construct is embedded in two ideological edifices, firstly the inward looking nature of the regime version of nationalism and secondly its orientalist conception of the masses.

Regarding the first, unlike other military dictatorships the Sisi regime does not define its version of nationalism in opposition to an external enemy but rather to the enemy within namely the Muslim Brotherhood and the broader pro-democracy movement. In order to gain legitimacy it has chosen not to engage in efforts at power projection outside its borders. Rather it has striven to garner support amongst its nationalist base with visible internal achievements, built at speed, to reflect the vigorous spirit of a “revived“ nation.

Why though these grandiose structures? Why not put the money into urgently needed improvements in health care, education or public services? The answer comes from the second ideological edifice: the regime’s colonialist-era mindset and its heavily orientalised view of the mass of Egypt’s citizenry as lazy and inept. Thus, the spending of public funds on areas like education or health care are held to be a waste of resources. Simply put the regime and its most hardline supporters hold the masses in contempt, especially the poor. What is on offer with projects such as the NAC and the presidential palace is a visual spectacle designed to appeal to the regime’s supporters; it is also intended as a way to awe the regime's supposed enemies into submission.

But in fact what this has achieved is the peculiar effect of decoupling these “national achievements” from the people for whom they are supposedly built. The grand mega projects attributed to Sisi and the military are designed as the stated embodiment of the greatness of the nation under his leadership, the perfect tool to show material achievements that celebrate the accomplishments of his regime. But with tens of millions of Egyptians slipping ever deeper into poverty Sis's grand projects serve rather to accentuate the divide between the wealthy elite and the poor and with that a decoupling from the regime narrative.

So this carefully constructed and exorbitantly expensive narrative appears to be fraying, leaving Sisi with a complex predicament. As the economic crisis continues to grind on without an exit in sight, all the regime’s so-called “achievements” will become liabilities. Grand palaces will turn from a badge of pride to an albatross around its neck. Unless the regime is able to construct a new myth to rebrand these projects, its only legitimising narrative will be to appeal to the fear of state collapse and ensuing chaos. That remains a powerful narrative but one that offers little in the way of a vision for the future. As the economic situation worsens one is left to wonder for how long will the fear of state collapse be enough to hold popular discontent at bay?

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