This week Australia’s Minister of Defense and Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles had his first phone call
with the United States’ newly confirmed Secretary of Defense Pete
Hegseth. The call was a conventional formal exchange of pleasantries and
an attempt to build a rapport with a counterpart from a new
government.
In the past, such a call by an
Australian defense minister would be one of the easier tasks the
minister would have to perform. The friendly relations between the two
countries, the long and intimate history of defense cooperation, and the
broad shared worldview would make for casual and congenial
conversation. But with the return of Donald Trump to the White House and
the eccentric choice
of Hegseth as his defense secretary, such a call comes with a certain
amount of dread. Placing Australia in the line of sight of the new
administration carries the risk of an unpredictable and potentially
inhospitable response.
Like
the European Union’s current strategic silence about Greenland – hoping
that if they don’t mention it Trump will forget about it – ideally
Canberra may hope that if Trump and his team don’t know Australia
exists, then the next four years might go a little smoother. However,
there is unfortunately a $230 billion problem that prevents this
strategy from being implemented: AUKUS.
Australia’s bumbling
approach to acquiring a new submarine fleet has placed the country in a
further pickle. After rejecting both Japanese and French submarines,
Australia made a huge strategic bet on the United States to acquire a
fleet of nuclear power submarines. The bet assumed that Trump’s first
term in the White House was an aberration: that once he was gone he
wouldn’t return, and that the American public would – having flirted
with Trump’s chaotic style – return to a more sober and prudent form of
politics.
In broad strategic terms, the acquisition of nuclear
power submarines makes sense for Australia. It is an island continent,
with a vast shore to defend – much of which is under-developed.
Australia is also a trading nation that is heavily reliant on the sea
lines of communication, particularly through the South China Sea and up
to Northeast Asia. An active blue water capability to deter threats to
both itself and its trading routes is logical.
Yet the process
to obtain such hardware is now reliant on a U.S. that is capricious and
vengeful, a U.S. that is now displaying an extraordinary hostility
toward its allies and friends. Will Australia suffer the same fate as
Canada, Denmark, Mexico, and Colombia?
Trump may see the AUKUS
deal as financially advantageous to the U.S, but his America First
agenda may equally see the first component of delivering three “off the
shelf” Virginia-class submarines to Australia as a capability that could
otherwise be American. While Trump will be gone by the time of their
expected delivery (bar a greater assault on the U.S. Constitution), it
would be well within his mafia-style of governance to shake down
Australia for more money to complete the construction. Any attempt by
Canberra to point to the contract details may risk Trump ripping the
contracts up altogether.
Does this leave Australia with another
four years of walking on eggshells? Or does Australia follow former
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull’s advice and stand up to Trump – as this
is the only thing he respects? Trump has already shown signs that he is
willing to dramatically escalate threats against friends in order to
get what he wants. What is Australia’s appetite for risk should Trump’s
wrath find itself directed at Canberra?
Trump’s former National
Security Adviser John Bolton told David A. Graham of The Atlantic
recently that rather than Trump’s actions having a focus on U.S.
national security, “Trump is the only thing he’s interested in.” It is
this global-scale ego and lust to have the world fall at his feet that
will rip at the seams of the U.S. web of alliances and the post-World
War II order that the U.S. created – that both the U.S. and Australia
have prospered from so greatly.
Following his call with Hegseth,
Marles stated that “American leadership has underpinned the global
rules-based order since the end of World War II. It’s absolutely clear
to me that we will see a continuation of that under the Trump
administration.”
This seems to be more wishful thinking than
reality. It’s a line that the Australian government will use to
encourage the Trump administration to see itself in this way, but one
that is increasingly difficult to deliver with a straight face. Despite
an attempt to claim the relationship is “business as usual,” there won’t
be much smiling in Canberra over the next four years, just increasingly
furrowed brows.
![Grant Wyeth Grant Wyeth]()
Contributing Author
Grant Wyeth
Grant Wyeth is a Melbourne-based political analyst specializing in Australia and the Pacific, India and Canada