I was sitting in my neighborhood café when I overheard a conversation at the next table. A group of older men, who looked and sounded as if they probably voted for Yair Lapid or Benny Gantz, were sharing their impressions from a recent meeting with a non-right-wing professor.
They seemed pleased with the return of the hostages and were in favor of the deal, as was the professor. He had told them about his reservations, and they felt as he did: "Everyone in Gaza should be killed. Every single one, without distinction: the Hamas members and the ones who'll be like them in the future."
They sounded enthusiastic about the important man's proposal (mum's the word concerning his name, I too fear an executive order being issued against me), even though he was willing to make a slight concession: "If the Gazans can't be eliminated, they must be expelled."
When the conversation turned to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, they once again found themselves in agreement: "He's a liar. He's fake. He's responsible for the failed hostage deal. He ran away from his responsibility for the war, and he keeps refusing to establish a state commission of inquiry."
As I got up and made for the door, one of the men called out to me, "Whatever happened to the good old days?"
Since the coalition began its government coup efforts, the word "fascist" is increasingly used to describe members of the far right. The label indeed suits their opinions. But the men at the next table, who, as noted, did not appear to be religious Zionists, did not seem to be horrified by the opinions of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir.
It seems that the only obstacle barrier preventing Israelis who are not in the far right from extending official legitimacy to fascism is its historical association with the persecution of Jews. Yet, while they may still shy away from the label, they don't hesitate to endorse the ideology it represents and openly express views they once hesitated to voice.
The ultimate endorsement of these views came from the "important man" who met with the prime minister on Tuesday. He has drawn the sword from its sheath, enabling all the "victims" of former Supreme Court President Aharon Barak to finally unleash the deep-seated fascism long concealed in their hearts.
Writing recently in Maariv, the right-wing ideologue and former lawmaker Aryeh Eldad laments the injustice done to Meir Kahane and his heirs, the supporters of population transfer whom the judicial system barred from running for the Knesset. Moshe Klughaft, an intelligent commentator and staunch right-winger, wrote in Israel Hayom on Friday that the slogan for Israel's next general upcoming election will be "Kill Arabs and draft Haredim."
I don't suspect him of endorsing this position, but Klughaft believes that this battle cry of certain soccer fans, of "supporters of Ben-Gvir and Smotrich" and of most Likud MKs – represents the "new Israeli."
I won't deny that the pain this evokes touches me personally as well. A good friend of mine, from the northern Israeli, Arab city of Umm al-Fahm, who was a school principal for many years, whose daughters and sons-in-law are academics who contribute greatly to Israel, told me that he and his wife struggle to enter coffee shops in nearby Jewish towns. They are met with suspicious looks and even hear derogatory remarks. In effect, they're trapped in Umm al-Fahm.
From now on, when someone says "Anyone but Bibi," remember that the only thing this statement reflects is a rejection of the prime minister's personality, not of his opinions.