Billionaire
Elon Musk’s blitzkrieg on Washington has brought into focus his vision
for a dramatically smaller and weaker government, as he and a coterie of
aides move to control, automate — and substantially diminish — hundreds
if not thousands of public functions.
In
less than three weeks, Musk’s U.S. DOGE Service has followed the same
playbook at one federal agency after another: Install loyalists in
leadership. Hoover up internal data, including the sensitive and the
classified. Gain control of the flow of funds. And push hard — by means legal or otherwise — to eliminate jobs and programs not ideologically aligned with Trump administration goals.
The
DOGE campaign has generated chaos on a near-hourly basis across the
nation’s capital. But it appears carefully choreographed in service of a
broader agenda to gut the civilian workforce, assert power over the
vast federal bureaucracy and shrink it to levels unseen in at least 20
years. The aim is a diminished government that exerts less oversight
over private business, delivers fewer services and comprises a smaller
share of the U.S. economy — but is far more responsive to the directives
of the president.
Though led by Musk’s team, this campaign is broadly supported by President Donald Trump and his senior leadership, who will be crucial to implementing its next stages. And while resistance to Musk has emerged in the federal courts,
among federal employee unions and in pockets of Congress, allies say
his critics underestimate the billionaire’s talent for ripping apart and
transforming institutions — as has been proved in the scant time since
Trump’s Jan. 20 inauguration.
“Chaos
is often the birthplace of new orders, new systems and new paradigms.
Washington doesn’t know how to deal with people who refuse to play the
game by their rules,” said investor Shervin Pishevar, a longtime friend
of Musk’s. “Donald Trump and Elon Musk are two different storms backed
by a majority of Americans — one political, one technological. But both
are tearing through the same rotting structure.”
So
far, the “storm” has elicited deep anxiety. Late Friday, a federal
judge in Washington declined to block DOGE access to Labor Department
data but expressed concern about
young DOGE staffers who “never had any training with respect to the
handling of confidential information” accessing “the medical and
financial records of millions of Americans.” And on Saturday, a federal
judge in New York temporarily blocked DOGE staff from accessing sensitive payment systems at the Treasury Department, citing the risk of “irreparable harm.”
After the New York ruling, Musk defended DOGE methods, tweeting that
his team had sought to add routine information to outgoing Treasury
payments to help spot fraud — “super obvious and necessary changes” that
“are being implemented by existing longtime career government
employees, not anyone from @DOGE.”
DOGE’s
early directives, its technology-driven approach and its interactions
with the federal bureaucracy have provided an increasingly clear picture
of its end goal for government — and clarified the stakes of Trump’s
second term.
People
protest President Donald Trump's decision to shut down the U.S. Agency
for International Development during a demonstration on Capitol Hill on
Wednesday. (Demetrius Freeman/The Washington Post)
If Musk is successful, the federal workforce will be cut by at least 10 percent. A mass bid for voluntary resignations — blocked by a federal judge in
Massachusetts who has scheduled a Monday hearing — is expected to be
the first step before mass involuntary dismissals. Those are likely to
include new hires or people with poor performance reviews, according to a
plan laid out in memos issued over the last week by the Office of
Personnel Management, which is now under Musk’s control. Unions this
week advised workers to download their performance reviews and personnel
files in preparation for having the information used against them.
As
much as half the government’s nonmilitary real estate holdings are set
to be liquidated, a move aimed at closing offices and increasing commute
times amid sharp new limits on remote and telework. That is intended to
depress workforce morale and increase attrition, according to four
officials with knowledge of internal conversations at the General
Services Administration, another agency taken over by Musk.
“We’ve
heard from them that they want to make the buildings so crappy that
people will leave,” said one senior official at GSA, which manages most
federal property. “I think that’s the larger goal here, which is bring
everybody back, the buildings are going to suck, their commutes are
going to suck.”
To
replace the existing civil service, Musk’s allies are looking to
technology. DOGE associates have been feeding vast troves of government
records and databases into artificial intelligence tools, looking for
unwanted federal programs and trying to determine which human work can
be replaced by AI, machine-learning tools or even robots.
That
push has been especially fierce at GSA, where DOGE staffers are telling
managers that they plan to automate a majority of jobs, according to a
person familiar with the situation.
“The
end goal is replacing the human workforce with machines,” said a U.S.
official closely watching DOGE activity. “Everything that can be
machine-automated will be. And the technocrats will replace the
bureaucrats.”
The
defenestration of the federal workforce could clear the way for Trump
and Musk to cancel federal spending or eliminate entire agencies without
approval of Congress, an unprecedented expansion of executive power.
This week, Tom Krause, a Musk ally, was installed to oversee an agency
in the U.S. Treasury Department responsible for executing trillions of
dollars in annual payments to the full array of recipients, from
contractors and grantees to military families and retirees. The Bureau
of Fiscal Service has long simply cut the checks as ordered by various
federal agencies, but Krause’s appointment may change that.
Meanwhile,
White House officials have begun preparing budget documents that seek
to cut some agencies and departments by as much as 60 percent, according
to two other people familiar with the matter, who spoke on the
condition of anonymity to reflect internal deliberations. It’s unclear
whether Trump will feel compelled to ask Congress to approve those cuts.
Though the Constitution specifically invests spending power in
Congress, Musk and Trump budget chief Russell Vought have argued they
should have authority to slash spending unilaterally.
Taken
together, experts say, these shifts amount to one of the most
aggressive attempted overhauls of the federal government in American
history.
David
Super, an administrative law professor at Georgetown University, said
the proposed cuts would return the modern civil service to the late 19th
century, before the enactment of anti-corruption reforms. Super said
the two biggest previous power grabs were President Richard M. Nixon’s
1973 attempt to cancel federal programs he didn’t like and President
Harry S. Truman’s 1952 effort to nationalize the steel industry — both
of which were struck down by the courts.
“The
administration is doing the equivalent of these moves several times a
day, every day,” Super said. “The division we’ve had since 1787 is
checks and balances — that no one branch is preeminent, but that all
three are required to work together. The vision here is an extremely
strong executive and a subordinate judiciary and Congress.”
A
Tesla Cybertruck makes its way up 16th Street NW past signs showing
support for federal workers in Washington on Friday. Musk is the CEO of
Tesla. (Michael S. Williamson/The Washington Post)
Musk’s
defenders say he and Trump are applying the long-standing idea of “zero
based budgeting” — taking all spending to zero and then rebuilding from
scratch — to the federal government for the first time. The moves are
also characteristic of Musk’s boundary-pushing management style. When he
took over Twitter, he fired more than 75 percent of the staff. He also
has had a preference for a lean workforce at Tesla, an opposition to
unions at all his companies and a habitual willingness everywhere to
push past norms and rules.
Avik
Roy, founder of the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity, a
think tank that promotes free markets, said the aggressive measures are
justified in part by the severity of the nation’s deteriorating fiscal picture and the staggering rise in regulations during the Biden administration.