Trump eases the fears of jittery Americans by turning the White House driveway into a Tesla showroom.
But this week, Trump took action to ease the fears of jittery Americans. He told them to buy Teslas.
“It’s
a great product, as good as it gets,” Trump said from the White House
lawn, where an assortment of the automaker’s vehicles was on display. In
his hand, Trump held a Tesla sales pitch: “Teslas can be purchased as
low as $299/month.”
“They have one which is $35,000, which is pretty low,” he suggested.
“Teslas
aren’t all expensive,” agreed Tesla CEO Elon Musk, standing at Trump’s
side wearing a black MAGA cap. “And I just wanted to thank the president
for his support.”
Trump, examining one of the cars, reacted with wonder. “Wow!” said Trump. “This is a different panel. Everything’s computer!”
Tesla’s
shares have lost half of their value over the previous three months,
erasing $800 billion in its market value — as consumers around the world
shun the vehicles, horrified by Musk’s promotion of far-right figures
and his aimless sabotage of the federal government and savage slashing
of its workforce. Trump, who said he bought a Tesla Model S (listed at
$108,990 on his sales sheet) to show his support, promised to label
those who vandalize Tesla sales lots as “domestic terrorists” (he
previously said people were “illegally” boycotting Tesla and later said
the protesters are “paid agitators”) and threatened: “We’re going to
catch you, and you’re going to go through hell.”
Even Fox News’s Peter Doocy was skeptical
about the wisdom of Trump’s pitch: “What is your message, President
Trump, buying a new car while there are some folks who will see this
clip at home and they are struggling with their retirement accounts,
down at the moment, uncertainty about work ahead?”
“Well,
I think they’re going to do great,” Trump said, before steering the
subject back to Tesla’s “incredible” car plant in Texas.
The
peasants are struggling? Then let them drive Teslas! Markets continued
their swoon after Trump’s event, but Tesla shares were up more than 5
percent.
It
was a grotesque sight: Trump using the awesome powers of the presidency
to make the world’s richest man even richer — and to threaten
government action against those who stand in his way.
This is precisely why we are in the mess we’re in.
People protest against Elon Musk outside of a Tesla dealership in Palo Alto, California, on March 8. (Laure Andrillon/Reuters)
Trump
is running an ad hoc presidency. There are no rules. The law is
strictly optional. And Trump, unbound by both, administers one shock to
the system after another. There is no predictability to his actions.
Business leaders and consumers have no idea what’s coming next and,
therefore, have no way to plan — and that, as much as anything, is what
is wrecking the economy.
Trump has unilaterally shattered the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade deal he negotiated with much fanfare just five years ago,
at the time calling it “the largest, fairest, most balanced and modern
trade agreement ever achieved.” He’s slapping huge tariffs on Mexico,
Canada and Europe and is making wild threats to raise them higher. At
different points this week, he threatened a 50 percent tariff on
Canadian steel and aluminum and 200 percent on European alcohol — and our erstwhile allies are retaliating.
Trump has similarly shocked the world’s security, destroying U.S. soft
power (the administration announced this week that it had canceled 83
percent of foreign-aid programs) and chaotically cutting off military
aid and intelligence sharing with Ukraine before restoring it days
later.
One
minute, Trump is declining to rule out a recession; the next, he’s
saying “I don’t see it at all.” One minute, Trump is vowing to protect
Americans’ Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. The next, Musk is
saying these entitlements are “the big one to eliminate.” (Newly
installed private-equity executives at Social Security
can see to it.) One minute, congressional Republicans are saying they
will never pass a government spending bill that adds to the deficit
without major spending cuts; the next minute, they do exactly that.
This
week alone, the Trump administration eliminated half the staff at the
Education Department — overnight — while making cuts that will cause as
many as 2 million people to lose health insurance. After campaigning on a
promise to make the nation’s capital safer, Trump successfully pushed
the House to pass legislation that will all but force the District of
Columbia to fire police officers. The Environmental Protection Agency terminated $20 billion in grants
that had already been awarded to local communities to help reduce
Americans’ energy bills, drawing a rebuke from a federal judge on
Wednesday who suggested the White House had offered no justification for
canceling the program other than that EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin
“doesn’t like it.” The administration ousted the top lawyer at the IRS because he objected to Musk’s team accessing taxpayers’ private records.
And that’s just a sampling of the chaos. The Wall Street Journal reported that senior White House officials “have received panicked calls from chief executives and lobbyists,
who have urged the administration to calm jittery markets by outlining a
more predictable tariff agenda,” and that conservative economist
Douglas Holtz-Eakin called it a “horrific start for the economic policy
team.” Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, told The Post’s
Jeff Stein and Isaac Arnsdorf that business leaders “are nervous,
bordering on unnerved, by the policies that are being implemented. …
There’s overwhelming uncertainty and increasing discomfort with how policy is being implemented.”
There
was a time, back when Republicans still believed in the free market,
that avoiding such “overwhelming uncertainty” would have been the
highest priority of government. “The role of government,” Milton
Friedman, the celebrated conservative economist, wrote in 1956, “is to
do something that the market cannot do for itself, namely, to determine,
arbitrate and enforce the rules of the game.”
Friedrich
Hayek, the iconic 20th-century champion of free markets, explained it
further in “The Road to Serfdom” in 1944: “Nothing distinguishes more
clearly conditions in a free country from those in a country under
arbitrary government than the observance in the former of the great
principles known as the Rule of Law. Stripped of all technicalities,
this means that government in all its actions is bound by rules fixed
and announced beforehand — rules which make it possible to foresee with
fair certainty how the authority will use its coercive powers in given
circumstances and to plan one’s individual affairs on the basis of this
knowledge.”
Under
the rule of law, Hayek wrote, “the government is prevented from
stultifying individual efforts by ad hoc action.” For people to make
plans, “they must be able to predict actions of the state which may
affect these plans.”
But
the Trump administration is acting as though there are no rules of the
game — and Republican leaders are cheering it on. “What President Trump
is doing: I think of it sort of like when you’re playing billiards,”
House Speaker Mike Johnson told reporters.
“You go on the table and the balls are racked, right? And you hit it as
hard as you can. This is many people’s strategy in the game: You hit as
hard as you can, to break up the balls on the table and send them to
spread."
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) on Capitol Hill on Wednesday. (Demetrius Freeman/The Washington Post)
Yep.
Violate and terminate the federal government’s legal contracts with no
justification. Violate federal law and sack federal workers while
leaving them no recourse. Abuse the power of the state to promote
friends of the president and persecute critics. It’s all good!
On Thursday, a federal judge ordered the administration
to re-offer jobs to many of the 30,000 probationary workers it fired,
after previously ruling that the firings broke the law. On Wednesday, a judge slapped a restraining order on the administration
for an executive order that, she said, sent “chills down my spine”:
punishing the law firm Perkins Coie because of its work for Democrats
against Trump. Trump had unilaterally revoked security clearances for
lawyers at the firm, blocked their access to federal buildings and
stripped the firm’s clients of their government contracts. On Tuesday,
another federal judge blocked a Trump scheme
to eliminate more than $600 million in grants for teacher training,
without justification, at a time when the country already has a
nationwide teacher shortage.
Already, federal judges have blocked an executive action by Trump at least 45 times since he has taken office. (The New York Times keeps a handy tally.)
The
courts will take a long time to resolve Trump’s lawlessness. But the
chaos has had an immediate impact on the economy. At a briefing this
week, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt made a point of
giving the first question to a friendly journalist, the conservative
podcaster Saagar Enjeti, only for him to ask about the stock market.
“There’s a lot of concern for a lot of Americans right now about the
state of the economy,” Enjeti said, asking whether the White House could
“assure Americans today that there’s not going to be a recession.” “If
people are looking for certainty,” Leavitt proposed, “they should look
at the record of this president.”
White
House press secretary Karoline Leavitt speaks to reporters during a
news briefing at the White House on Tuesday. (Jabin Botsford/The
Washington Post)
Here’s
Trump’s DOGE boss, Musk, using his federal powers to further his
private fortune again, telling the Polish foreign minister to “Be quiet,
small man,” when the minister complained about Musk’s threats to cut
off his Starlink service to Ukraine; Secretary of State Marco Rubio backed up Musk. Here’s Musk calling Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Arizona), a combat veteran and former NASA astronaut, “a traitor”
because Kelly visited Ukraine and criticized the Trump administration’s
“‘screw you, go it alone’ foreign policy.” And here’s Musk baselessly
blaming Tesla protests on George Soros.
Here’s Trump naming those noted patrons of the arts, Laura Ingraham and Maria Bartiromo, to the Kennedy Center board. Here’s Trump’s FCC chief threatening action against YouTube TV’s parent
unless it agrees to carry a particular religious network. Here’s the
Army Corps of Engineers acknowledging that it knew that Trump’s wasteful order to release water from two California reservoirs would not get water to the southern part of the state as Trump had promised.
Here’s the government running out of cleaning fluid in food safety labs and suspending efforts to identify U.S. soldiers killed in combat and canceling contracts for PTSD research for veterans. Here’s the government eliminating grants to study vaccine use at a time when measles is spreading and bird flu is threatening, and reluctantly dropping the nomination of a guy who wrongly claims vaccines cause autism to run the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Here’s the administration disbanding panels that make sure the government’s economic statistics are reliable, killing $1 billion in funds to help schools and food banks get food from local farmers, blocking affordable-housing funds and eliminating top science jobs at NASA (a sometime rival of Musk’s SpaceX). And here’s the administration concocting an ad hoc justification
for deporting Columbia University student Mahmoud Khalil, who has a
green card and is married to a U.S. citizen — because Khalil, who
committed no crime, participated in Gaza protests.
Here’s
Trump calling the European Union “hostile and abusive” and treating our
friend and ally Canada as an enemy, vowing to hit it with economic
warfare that “will be read about in History Books for many years to
come!” and insisting that it become the 51st state. Here he is
threatening to oust Rep. Tom Massie (R-Kentucky), for refusing to
abandon his anti-deficit position even as all other House Republicans
did. (“I guess deficits only matter when we’re in the minority,” Massie
observed.)
And here’s the White House assuring Republicans that it will (illegally) impound funds that Congress authorizes in order to eliminate duly enacted programs.
That’s just a sampling of Trump’s latest assaults on the “rules of the game.”
In
this swirl of uncertainty, it’s impossible for businesses and consumers
to make plans with any confidence. This is why forecasts increasingly
see a recession — about which Trump administration officials are,
characteristically, sending confusing messages.
Kevin Hassett, director of the White House National Economic Council, said there are merely “some blips in the data.”
Trump,
who has for years taken credit for stock market records, now says that
“markets are going to go up and they’re going to go down.” And he blames
all bad news on his predecessor, because “Biden gave us a horrible
economy.” (President Joe Biden presided over 48 straight months of job
growth, and there was nary a whisper of recession when he left office,
as the economy executed its “soft landing” into low inflation.)
The
explanations are as ad hoc as the administration’s actions. When the
January jobs report came out last month showing employment growth of
143,000 jobs and a 4 percent unemployment rate, Leavitt declared:
“Today’s jobs report reveals the Biden economy was far worse than anyone
thought.” When the February jobs report came out this month showing a
nearly identical employment growth of 151,000 jobs and a 4.1 percent
unemployment rate, Leavitt proclaimed: “February’s jobs report was good
news for America.”
Trump
was supposed to reassure corporate leaders this week at a meeting with
the Business Roundtable. But just seven minutes into the event — as the
moderator asked Trump, “What is your strategy to lower the overall cost
of living?” — reporters and cameras were kicked out of the event, which
was supposed to be open to the press.
Fortunately,
the president was able to make his most important point before that
happened. “Elon Musk has been doing, really, a fantastic job,” Trump
said — and his Teslas are “beautiful.”