De-Dollarization Is Inevitable. The World Isn’t Prepared
![De-Dollarization Is Inevitable. The World Isn’t Prepared]()
Uncut
sheets of $1 bills are seen during production at the Bureau of
Engraving and Printing, in Washington, Oct. 28, 2014 (Sipa photo by
Kristoffer Tripplaar AP Images).
In late May, yields on U.S. Treasury bonds jumped
to their highest level since 2023, after the House of Representatives
passed sweeping tax cuts as part of President Donald Trump’s proposed
budget. The higher effective interest rate on U.S. government borrowing
reflected investors’ concerns over the fiscal impact of the bill, which
if passed by the Senate and signed into law would add $3.8 trillion
to the federal debt—currently at $36.2 trillion—over the coming decade,
according to estimates by the Congressional Budget Office.
The
convulsions in the U.S. bond market represent more than a momentary
financial hiccup. They signal the early tremors of what JPMorgan’s Jamie
Dimon called
an impending “crack in the bond market” that could set off a
potentially catastrophic realignment in the global economic order. As
yields on long-term U.S. government debt surge past 5 percent, the
international community is beginning to face the uncomfortable reality
that the world’s hegemon is galloping toward a sovereign debt crisis with no clear resolution in sight.
Unlike
previous sovereign debt crises that afflicted peripheral economies or
even major European nations, however, the emerging U.S. fiscal crisis
threatens the very foundation of the post-Bretton Woods international
monetary system. Hanging in the balance are the dollar’s role as the
global reserve currency, the Treasury market’s function as the world’s
safe haven and the United States’ capacity to serve as the consumer of
last resort. The implications extend to every central bank, sovereign
wealth fund and international institution that has built its foundations
on the assumption of U.S. fiscal stability.
Global Stakes and Contagion Mechanisms
The
international ramifications of a U.S. fiscal crisis would dwarf any
financial contagion witnessed in modern history. U.S. Treasury bonds
serve multiple critical functions in the global financial system. They
are the primary reserve asset for central banks, the preferred
collateral for international transactions and the benchmark “risk-free”
rate against which all other assets are priced. Approximately $9
trillion in Treasuries are held by foreign governments and investors, with almost a third of that sum being held by just three countries—Japan, the U.K. and China—alone.
A
sustained loss of confidence in U.S. fiscal management would trigger a
cascade of consequences. Should the price of Treasuries, which moves
inversely to yields, fall precipitously, central banks around the world
would face massive paper losses on their reserve holdings, potentially
destabilizing their own currencies. The global banking system, which
relies on Treasuries as high-quality collateral, would experience a
severe liquidity crunch. Emerging markets, whose debt is often priced at
a premium over U.S. Treasuries, would see borrowing costs skyrocket
regardless of their own fiscal prudence.
The
most troubling aspect of the United States’ fiscal trajectory is the
apparent inability of its political system to correct course.
The
geopolitical implications are equally profound. A fiscally weakened
United States would struggle to maintain its global military
commitments, creating power vacuums that rival powers would eagerly
fill. The dollar’s weaponization through sanctions—a key tool of U.S.
foreign policy—would lose its potency, as countries accelerate efforts
to build alternative payment systems. Already, China’s experiments
with “digital yuan” cross-border settlements and expansion of bilateral
currency swap agreements signal a world preparing for reduced dollar
dependence.
Why This Time Is Different
Predictions
of the dollar’s demise have circulated for decades, from the 1970s
stagflation crisis through the 2008 global financial crisis. Each time,
the dollar emerged stronger, benefiting from what Barry Eichengreen
called its “exorbitant privilege”—the U.S. government’s ability to
borrow in its own currency at preferential rates while other nations
hold dollars as reserves. Critics sounding alarm bells about U.S. fiscal
profligacy have consistently been proven wrong. So why should anyone believe this time is different?
The
answer lies in the unprecedented confluence of factors that distinguish
today’s crisis from previous episodes. When earlier predictions of
dollar decline were made, U.S. debt-to-GDP ratios were a fraction of today’s levels—under
40 percent in the 1970s and around 65 percent before the 2008 crisis.
Currently, that figure sits at 121 percent, or double the 60 percent
benchmark widely considered to be fiscally sustainable. More critically,
in these earlier periods, the U.S. political system was still capable
of bipartisan compromise on fiscal matters. The Social Security reform
passed in 1983 and budget agreements negotiated in the 1990s
demonstrated that U.S. democracy could still make hard choices when
necessary.
Today’s
political landscape offers no such hope. The hyper-partisanship that
has paralyzed Washington shows no signs of abating. Primary systems that
punish fiscal moderation and reward fiscal profligacy have created
political incentives that virtually guarantee continued deterioration.
Meanwhile, technological alternatives to the dollar system that didn’t
exist during previous crises are rapidly maturing, from China’s digital
yuan trials with trading partners to sophisticated currency swap
networks. Countries seeking to insulate themselves from U.S. financial
sanctions are actively building the infrastructure for a post-dollar
world.
Perhaps
most importantly, the global context has fundamentally shifted. Other
major economies face their own severe fiscal pressures, limiting their
ability to serve as stabilizers. Japan carries a staggering 250 percent debt-to-GDP ratio
and is beginning to buckle under the pressure of its crushing debt.
European nations, already struggling with high debt levels, now confront
the need for dramatic increases in defense spending as U.S. security
guarantees become unreliable. Meeting NATO’s target of 2 percent of GDP
dedicated to defense spending would require European members to find
tens of billions of additional euros annually, at a time when many are
already running significant deficits. Worse still, the alliance is now
close to agreeing to the Trump administration’s demand that it raise the
defense spending target to 5 percent of GDP. Even China is grappling
with a local government debt crisis and a property sector meltdown that
threatens its financial stability. When everyone is fiscally stretched,
the coordination needed to manage a crisis becomes nearly impossible.
The
National Debt Clock displays the U.S. federal government’s total debt,
in New York, Sept. 18, 2024 (photo by Aaron M. Sprecher via AP).
The Anatomy of an Unprecedented Crisis
The
mechanics of the United States’ fiscal deterioration are straightforward
but devastating. The feedback loop now threatening to take hold follows
a familiar pattern from previous sovereign debt crises elsewhere in the
world, albeit at an unprecedented scale. As markets lose confidence in a
country’s fiscal sustainability, they demand higher yields to
compensate for the greater risk they are taking in buying sovereign
debt. These higher borrowing costs worsen the nation’s fiscal position,
further eroding investor confidence and driving yields higher still. In
emerging markets, this spiral typically ends with intervention by the
International Monetary Fund and painful structural adjustment. For the
world’s largest economy and reserve currency issuer, no such external
stabilizer exists.
What
further distinguishes the U.S. case from historical precedents is the
confluence of multiple massive fiscal time bombs. The Social Security
pension program’s trust fund will run dry in 2033, after which benefit
cuts of approximately 20 percent—considered the “third rail” of U.S.
politics—automatically kick in. The Medicare low-income health insurance
program confronts similar pressures three years thereafter, in 2036.
Added to this is the fact that, when these crises hit, the U.S. can
expect to be spending around $2 trillion annually on interest payments
alone at current projections.
These
entitlement crises are driven by demographic realities that are largely
irreversible—an aging population with fewer workers supporting each
retiree. Compounding this challenge, the U.S. now relies on immigration
as the primary driver of population growth. However, amid U.S.
political dysfunction, societal polarization and the Trump
administration’s overtly xenophobic policies, the country is likely to
be increasingly unattractive to potential immigrants, meaning it will be
severing this demographic lifeline just when it’s needed most. Should
immigration continue to decline, the entitlement math becomes even more
catastrophic.
Near-Term Triggers and Warning Signs
While
the entitlement crises of 2033-2036 represent structural breaking
points, several near-term developments could trigger a crisis much
sooner. As evidenced by last month’s tremors, the Treasury market is
already showing signs of stress. Weak auctions, in which demand barely
covers the debt on offer and yields spike to attract sufficient buyers,
have become more frequent. The return of “bond vigilantes,” who sell off
their Treasury holdings to register their disapproval of U.S. fiscal
policy, could begin forcing yields sharply higher, requiring primary
dealers—banks and securities brokers that buy Treasuries directly from
the Fed to sell on to individual investors—to absorb an unusually large
share.
The
psychological threshold of 5 percent yields on 10-year Treasuries has
already been breached multiple times. Should yields settle above 6
percent—a level last seen in the runup to the 2008 financial crisis—the
feedback loop between higher borrowing costs and deteriorating fiscal
metrics could quickly become self-reinforcing.
Credit-rating
agencies have grown increasingly vocal in their warnings. Standard
& Poor’s already downgraded U.S. debt from its AAA rating back in
2011, with Fitch following suit in 2023. Moody’s completed the trifecta
last month, stripping the U.S. of its last AAA rating. With all three
major agencies now rating U.S. debt below perfect, forced selling by
institutions mandated to own only AAA-rated securities, such as pension
funds and public employee unions, has already begun. More ominously, the
cost of insuring against U.S. default through credit default swaps has
been rising to levels that suggest markets are beginning to price in previously unthinkable scenarios. U.S. sovereign risk is now comparable
to countries with BBB+ ratings like Italy and Greece, a striking
disconnect from official ratings that reveals how markets truly assess
U.S. fiscal sustainability.
The Political Economy of Inaction
The
most troubling aspect of the United States’ fiscal trajectory is the
apparent inability of its political system to correct course. Any
serious fiscal consolidation would require both significant tax
increases and entitlement reform, a combination that has become
politically radioactive. The last serious attempt at such a fiscal grand
bargain came in 2011,
during the administration of then-President Barack Obama, and it
failed. Since then, both parties have retreated to their respective
corners, with Republicans refusing to countenance tax increases and
Democrats protecting entitlement programs from any meaningful reform.
The
international community must therefore confront an uncomfortable truth:
There is no foreseeable political path to U.S. fiscal sustainability.
The world’s economic architecture remains anchored to a hegemon that
lacks the political capacity for fiscal self-correction. This
recognition should prompt urgent consideration of how to manage an
orderly transition away from dollar dependence rather than awaiting an
inevitable and chaotic collapse.
False Hopes and Magical Thinking
In the
face of these daunting fiscal realities, many market participants cling
to scenarios that might avert catastrophe. Chief among these is the
hope for a tech-driven productivity boom that could generate enough
growth to outrun the debt spiral. Yet even if artificial intelligence,
or AI, delivers on its most optimistic promises, the timeline for such
transformation extends well beyond the 2033-2036 entitlement crisis
window.
More
troublingly, mounting evidence suggests the AI revolution may itself be a
bubble. And even if it does eventually pay dividends, the historical
precedents of previous “frontier” technologies—like railroads,
automobiles and the dotcom bubble—suggest there will be massive
over-investment, with only a few firms surviving into the mature phase
of adoption. Should the current AI investment mania collapse, taking
trillions of dollars in market capitalization with it, the fiscal crisis
would accelerate dramatically just when the economy could least afford
another shock.
The
warning signs of U.S. fiscal instability are multiplying. Yet the
global financial architecture remains as dollar-dependent as ever,
creating a dangerous mismatch between emerging risks and institutional
preparedness.
Others
point to the possibility of a new Plaza Accord-style international
agreement to manage currency adjustments in ways that would provide a
boost to the U.S. economy, particularly its manufacturing sector. But
the original 1985 Plaza Accord emerged from a very different world—one
with clear U.S. leadership, cooperative allies and shared interests in
stability. Today’s fragmented, multipolar environment offers no such
foundation for coordination.
Finally,
the notion that the Federal Reserve could simply monetize the debt
through unlimited money-printing ignores both the inflationary
consequences of doing so and the damage it would do to the dollar’s
reserve status. The Bank of Japan’s decades-long experiment with
monetary expansion has only been possible because of Japan’s unique
economic characteristics—high domestic savings, persistent deflation and
current account surpluses—none of which apply to the United States.
Toward Managed De-Dollarization
The
choice facing the international community is not whether to end the
dollar’s privileged position but whether that end comes through careful
preparation or catastrophic crisis. History offers some guidance—the
pound sterling’s decline from premier reserve currency status took
several decades and was managed without systemic collapse. However, that
transition benefited from an obvious successor currency in the dollar
and a cooperative relationship between the U.K. and U.S. as the
declining and rising powers, respectively. Today’s interconnected
financial system, the scale of dollar dependence and the absence of a
clear alternative all suggest we may not have the luxury of such a
gradual, orderly transition.
The
challenges to de-dollarization remain formidable. Network effects make
the dollar’s dominance self-reinforcing—everyone uses dollars because
everyone else uses dollars. No alternative currency matches the depth
and liquidity of U.S. Treasury markets. The euro suffers from structural
flaws exposed during the sovereign debt crisis of the 2010s. The yuan
remains hobbled by capital controls and political risk. Yet these very
challenges make preparation more urgent, not less.
Previous
attempts at creating dollar alternatives have foundered on precisely
these obstacles. The IMF’s Special Drawing Rights—based on a basket of
currencies and used as a unit of account and settlement among its member
states—never achieved critical mass since their introduction in 1969,
because they offered no advantages over dollars for most transactions.
Regional payment systems like the Asian Clearing Union remained marginal
because they couldn’t match the dollar’s convenience and acceptability.
But multiple factors suggest the next attempts might succeed where
others failed.
First, digital currency technology
enables instantaneous, low-cost multicurrency transactions that weren’t
possible in previous eras. Central bank digital currencies, or CBDCs,
could enable efficient settlement systems that reduce reliance on dollar
intermediation. China’s digital yuan trials demonstrate the potential
for technology to accelerate monetary transformation, particularly as
countries seek to insulate themselves from U.S. financial sanctions. A
basket-based digital settlement system, perhaps administered by the IMF
or a new international institution, could provide stability while
reducing single-currency dependence.
Second,
the sheer scale of countries now seeking alternatives to the dollar
creates momentum that didn’t exist before. The BRICS nations, representing
40 percent of the world’s population and over a third of global GDP,
are actively developing alternative payment mechanisms. Their New
Development Bank, while still small, provides a template for non-dollar
development finance. As more countries join these initiatives, network
effects could begin working against the dollar rather than for it.
Third, the private sector is increasingly hedging against dollar risk. Major commodity traders are experimenting with yuan-denominated contracts. Corporate treasurers are developing
multi-currency cash-management systems. All these micro-level
adaptations could help accelerate macro-level change when crisis hits by
providing a number of alternatives to the status quo.
For
U.S. allies, this transition presents acute dilemmas. Countries like
Japan, South Korea and the European NATO members must balance their
security dependence on Washington with the need to protect their
economic interests from U.S. fiscal instability. This may require
uncomfortable conversations about burden-sharing and the development of
regional security arrangements that could fill the vacuum left behind as
the U.S. military’s capacity diminishes. With the Trump administration
already undermining confidence in Washington’s security commitments,
this task becomes all the more urgent.
The Path Forward
The
international community stands at a critical juncture. The warning signs
of U.S. fiscal instability are multiplying, from debt-ratings
downgrades to surging yields on Treasuries. Yet the global financial
architecture remains as dollar-dependent as ever, creating a dangerous
mismatch between emerging risks and institutional preparedness.
Policymakers
worldwide must begin not just planning for a post-dollar monetary order
but actively constructing one. This doesn’t require abandoning the
dollar immediately or indulging in wishful thinking about its demise.
Rather, it demands pragmatic preparation for a transition that appears
increasingly inevitable. Central banks, which are diversifying their reserves
into gold at the fastest pace in decades, should do so even more
aggressively. Financial institutions should stress-test for dollar
disruption scenarios. International bodies should accelerate work on
alternative payment and settlement mechanisms.
This
transition need not be disorderly. With sufficient foresight and
cooperation, the world could evolve toward a more balanced, multipolar
monetary system that actually enhances stability. But this requires
acknowledging that the current trajectory is unsustainable and that
waiting for U.S. political dysfunction to self-correct is a recipe for
disaster.
The
question now is whether the international community will act on this
recognition or continue moving toward a preventable catastrophe. The
bond market is already beginning to vote with its feet. The rest of the
world would be wise to follow suit—not in panic, but in prudent
preparation for a new monetary order.
Nicholas Creel is an associate professor of business law and ethics at Georgia College & State University.