Why Thailand, a US treaty ally, is stocking up on Chinese weapons
Bangkok’s recent purchases of Chinese military hardware include tanks, missiles and ships, while a submarine deal is back on track
Thailand, a US treaty ally, has been adding to its arsenal of Chinese-made weapons with deals for ships, tanks and other high-value hardware.
Analysts put the trend down to pragmatic considerations.
The Royal Thai Army has finalised a deal to buy an additional batch of Chinese-made VN-1 armoured vehicles for 1 billion baht (US$32 million). This is expected to add around 20 new units to its existing fleet of more than 100 VN-1s, according to local media reports.
The contract was signed on January 12 under a government-to-government framework. Lieutenant General Natthaporn Khwan-yam, chief of the Thai army’s ordnance department, and senior officials from state-owned China North Industries Group Corporation (Norinco), the manufacturer of the vehicles, attended the signing ceremony at the company’s headquarters in Beijing.
Last month, Royal Thai Navy Admiral Nares Wongtrakul visited China to inspect progress on the S26T submarine ordered by the Thai navy.
During his 11-day stay, he visited Chinese institutions involved in the S26T project, including those responsible for design and research, construction and personnel training.
The submarine contract worth 13.5 billion baht was signed in 2017 but was almost scrapped in 2021-2022 after Germany refused to issue export licences for the vessel’s German-made diesel engines. Beijing then proposed Chinese alternatives, but the Thai side initially rejected the offer due to concerns over the “unproven” reliability of the Chinese engines.
After prolonged negotiations and technical assessments, the Thai cabinet finally approved an amended contract in August, agreeing to accept the Chinese engines after Beijing offered extended warranty and additional technical support.
Abdul Rahman Yaacob, an assistant professor at Rabdan Security and Defence Institute in Abu Dhabi, said Bangkok’s VN-1 purchases deepened its defence relations with China, which was already a major arms supplier to Thailand in terms of value.
“Thailand is diversifying its arms procurement due to many reasons: limited budget, not-that-warm defence relations with the US, but also US restrictions on the usage of US-made weapon platforms and ammunition such as missiles,” he said.
Despite its treaty alliance with the US, Thailand has become a major buyer of Chinese weapons over the past decade, increasingly turning to Beijing for defence cooperation since a coup in 2014 strained its relations with traditional Western partners.
Thailand is also the first foreign buyer of China’s latest QBZ-191 assault rifles. The Royal Thai Army ordered specially developed QBZ-195T assault rifles for its special operations units last year.
Thailand’s acquisition of Norinco’s VT-4 tanks starting in 2016 represented China’s first major success in exporting modern heavy armour and paved the way for subsequent equipment deals, including the VN-1 armoured vehicles.
The 8x8 wheeled amphibious VN-1 is the export version of the Chinese military’s ZBL-08 infantry fighting vehicle. It features a modular design capable of different configurations. Thailand first signed contracts to acquire the vehicles in 2017, and delivery began in 2021.
The Thai army now operates 111 vehicles from the VN-1 family across five variants: personnel carriers, self-propelled mortars, armoured recovery vehicles, ambulances and command vehicles.
Carlyle Thayer, a Southeast Asia specialist and emeritus professor at the University of New South Wales Canberra, said Thailand was prepared to make “big ticket” arms purchases when the quality and price were right, meaning that it would probably continue to buy arms and weapon platforms from China, particularly naval ships.
Kei Koga, an associate professor at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, said Bangkok’s decision could be understood as “largely business as usual”.
“Thailand has previously procured several Chinese weapons systems, primarily due to their competitive pricing and rapid availability,” Koga said.
“Given that the Thai military is already familiar with the operational performance and logistical requirements of the VN-1 armoured vehicles procured in earlier batches, the continuation of procurement reflects a pragmatic approach to military modernisation rather than a meaningful shift in strategic alignment.”
Koga noted that the purchase should not be interpreted as a sign of a strategic shift by Thailand, as it continued to engage both the US and China in its defence and foreign policy.
“That said, at the international level, such procurement decisions may still be interpreted by external observers as evidence of Thailand strengthening its ties with China, even if this was not Thailand’s strategic intention.”
Koga added that while Thailand was likely to continue procuring defence equipment from both Beijing and Washington, it might increasingly turn to Chinese alternatives as US weapon systems became more expensive and exclusive, as shown by Thailand’s inability to buy the F-35 fighter.
“This shift would not necessarily reflect a strategic realignment, but rather be driven by economic and practical considerations.”