[Salon] Fwd: Palestine Chronicle: "Why Israel Is Escalating in Lebanon — and Why It Cannot Win." (6/2/26)




Why Israel Is Escalating in Lebanon — and Why It Cannot Win

As Israel escalates in Lebanon, Hezbollah’s battlefield resistance and Iran’s warnings are turning the front into a regional crisis.

Hezbollah's Secretary-General Naim Qassem and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. (Design: Palestine Chronicle)

By Palestine Chronicle Editors

The war in Lebanon is moving quickly, and the daily flow of military statements, threats, ceasefire claims and diplomatic maneuvers has made the story increasingly difficult to follow.

At the center of the crisis is a simple but dangerous reality:

  • Israel is trying to expand its military pressure in southern Lebanon while also threatening Beirut’s southern suburb, Dahiya.
  • Hezbollah is responding with a growing war of attrition, using drones, rockets and ambush-style operations to prevent Israeli forces from establishing secure positions.
  • Iran, meanwhile, is now openly linking Lebanon to its broader negotiations with the United States.

This is no longer merely a border confrontation. It has become one of the most sensitive fronts in the wider regional war.

Why is Israel escalating attacks in South Lebanon and threatening Dahiya?

Israel is escalating because it has failed to achieve the kind of military control in southern Lebanon that it had hoped to impose.

Despite months of airstrikes, ground incursions and attempts to reach strategic points such as the Shaqif Castle area, Israeli occupation forces have not been able to operate freely or consolidate control. Hezbollah has continued to strike troop gatherings, armored vehicles, command positions and military infrastructure.

This has created a dilemma for Netanyahu.

If Israel stops without achieving visible gains, it appears defeated. If it escalates, it risks provoking a much wider confrontation involving Hezbollah, Iran and possibly other fronts.

Threatening Dahiya is part of this pressure strategy: Israel is attempting to use the threat of massive destruction in Beirut’s southern suburb to force Hezbollah into accepting limits on its operations.

But this threat has also triggered a much larger response from Iran, which has now warned that any Israeli attack on Beirut or Dahiya could lead to direct Iranian military action against Israeli targets.

What is Hezbollah doing that is making Israel’s advance so difficult?

Hezbollah is not relying only on rocket fire. Its most important battlefield tool in recent days appears to be its use of explosive drones, particularly Ababil-type attack drones and other loitering munitions.

These drones are being used against Israeli troop gatherings, armored vehicles, communications equipment and military positions. Their impact is significant because they allow Hezbollah to hit moving or exposed targets even when Israeli occupation forces believe they are operating under cover or at a distance.

Israel has already acknowledged casualties from Hezbollah drone attacks, including the killing of officers and soldiers and the wounding of senior battlefield commanders. Israeli military reporting has also admitted that these drones have become a real challenge and that deeper ground maneuvers have not prevented Hezbollah from launching them.

This is one reason Israel’s advance is so slow and costly. It may be able to reach certain positions, but holding them securely is another matter. Hezbollah’s strategy is to make every Israeli position unstable, every route vulnerable, and every tactical gain expensive.

Is Netanyahu’s domestic crisis part of this escalation?

Yes. Netanyahu is facing a deep political and strategic crisis.

He has been unable to secure a decisive victory in Gaza. He has failed to return stability to northern settlements. He has not eliminated Hezbollah’s ability to strike. He has not forced Iran to retreat. And he remains dependent on continued US support while facing growing criticism over the cost and direction of the wars.

This creates a strong incentive for Netanyahu to keep escalating on one front or another.

But the problem is that none of these fronts is being resolved. The northern settlements remain insecure. Hezbollah continues to operate. Gaza remains under attack but far from being subdued or politically managed. Iran remains in a position to pressure the US and Israel through multiple fronts.

This is why the slogan of “total victory” is increasingly disconnected from battlefield reality.

Is this really about Iran?

Yes, but not in a simple way.

Iran is not merely ‘supporting Hezbollah’ from the background. Tehran is now insisting that Lebanon is part of the wider ceasefire and negotiation framework with Washington.

Iran’s position is that any violation in Lebanon or Gaza is not a separate issue, but part of the same regional war. This directly challenges the Israeli and American attempt to separate the fronts: Gaza as one issue, Lebanon as another, Iran as another, Yemen is another, and so on ..

Tehran is saying the opposite: these fronts are connected.

This matters because Iran has reportedly suspended talks and exchanges of draft texts with the United States due to continuing Israeli attacks in Lebanon. Iranian officials have also warned that if Israel attacks Beirut or Dahiya, northern areas could become a direct target for Iranian armed forces.

In other words, Iran is using diplomacy and military deterrence at the same time. It is telling Washington that it cannot negotiate peace with Tehran while allowing Netanyahu to escalate in Lebanon.

Why does Netanyahu want to separate the fronts?

Because separating the fronts gives Israel more room to maneuver.

If Gaza, Lebanon and Iran are treated as separate conflicts, Israel can escalate in one arena while deescalating in another. It can bomb Lebanon while negotiating indirectly with Iran. It can violate ceasefire understandings in Gaza and Lebanon while insisting each front has its own rules.

Iran and Hezbollah are trying to deny Israel that flexibility.

Their position is that Lebanon is not an isolated battlefield. It is part of the same regional confrontation created by Israel’s genocide in Gaza, its attacks on Lebanon, and US military and political backing.

This is why Iran’s statements are so important. Tehran is not just issuing threats; it is redefining the rules of the confrontation.

Is Netanyahu failing in Lebanon anyway?

Militarily, Israel still has enormous destructive power. It can bomb villages, destroy infrastructure, displace civilians and inflict heavy damage across southern Lebanon.

But destruction is not the same as strategic success.

The central question is whether Israel can impose a new military reality on Gaza, secure northern settlements, neutralize Hezbollah’s capacity to strike, and force Lebanon into accepting Israeli terms. So far, that has not happened.

Hezbollah continues to strike Israeli forces around Shaqif, Dabbine, Qantara, Zawtar al-Sharqiya, Kiryat Shmona and other areas. Israeli soldiers and officers continue to be killed or wounded. Northern settlements remain vulnerable. Israel is still unable to present a stable postwar arrangement.

This is why Netanyahu is stuck. He cannot easily withdraw without appearing defeated, but he also cannot easily escalate without risking a wider regional war.

Why does Trump not simply force Netanyahu to stop?

According to the current political pattern, Trump appears to be trying to contain the crisis, but not decisively enough to force Netanyahu into a full retreat.

Trump has claimed that he held productive contacts with Netanyahu and that Israel would not send forces into Beirut. He also claimed that Hezbollah agreed to stop fire if Israel did the same. But almost immediately, Netanyahu vowed to escalate further, and Hezbollah officials made clear that they rejected partial arrangements that do not include a full ceasefire, withdrawal and return of displaced civilians.

The deeper problem is political.

Netanyahu has strong allies inside the US political system, especially among Republicans, pro-Israel lobbying networks, media allies and sections of the national security establishment. Any serious attempt by Trump to force Israel to stop could trigger significant political pushback.

So Trump is trying to do two things at once: preserve negotiations with Iran while avoiding a direct political confrontation with Netanyahu and his allies.

That may not be sustainable.

Who has more cards at this stage?

Despite Israel’s ability to inflict massive destruction on civilians and infrastructure, Iran and Hezbollah currently hold significant strategic cards.

Iran’s cards are regional and geopolitical. Tehran can link the Lebanon front to negotiations with Washington. It can threaten Hormuz. It can reference Bab al-Mandab. It can suspend talks. It can pressure the United States by making clear that Israeli actions in Lebanon could collapse broader diplomatic arrangements.

Iran does not need to launch a full regional war to create pressure. Its strength lies in its ability to make Washington fear that Israel’s actions could ignite one.

Hezbollah’s cards are battlefield cards. It does not need to defeat the Israeli army in a conventional war. It needs to prevent Israel from feeling secure in southern Lebanon. It needs to make every advance costly, every position vulnerable, and every claim of victory questionable.

Its drones, rockets, artillery, and repeated strikes on troop concentrations are designed to produce exactly that result.

This is why Israel’s military superiority does not automatically translate into strategic success.

What is likely to happen next?

Based on the current variables, Israel may eventually find itself forced to accept some form of ceasefire in Lebanon.

But the key question will be the terms.

Netanyahu will likely try to preserve whatever military gains Israel has made in southern Lebanon, especially around strategic areas such as Shaqif and other positions near the border. Hezbollah will reject any arrangement that allows Israel to maintain an occupation or create a permanent buffer zone inside Lebanon.

This is where the confrontation may become even more complicated.

Israel and the United States may try to create new variables: by pressuring Lebanon internally, pushing formulas that divide Lebanese political actors, or attempting to separate Hezbollah from Iran’s broader negotiating position. At the same time, Washington may try to pressure Tehran to delink Lebanon from the US-Iran track.

But Iran’s current message is the opposite: Lebanon is part of the whole equation.

(The Palestine Chronicle)



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