Re: [Salon] The slide toward a regional cataclysm



Comment on "The slide toward a regional cataclysm"

We thank Alastair Newton for this comment on today's newsletter:

If today’s Newsletter is not sufficiently apocalyptic for your liking, keep in mind that it makes no mention of the third major actor in the conflict, ie Israel. In a note along similar (if slightly less apocalyptic) lines circulated to my (mainly financial market) clients yesterday I started with a 14 July quote from The Economist’s Anshel Pfeffer as follows:

“More than anything [Binyamin Netanyahu] hopes that in the three months and two weeks until the election, Donald Trump will allow him to launch a third war on Iran and that this time, just somehow, the regime in Tehran will collapse”.

At that time (and he may have modified his assessment in the light of events since), Mr Pfeffer doubted that Bibi would succeed in persuading Mr Trump (let alone bringing about regime collapse). But my own assessment yesterday read as follows:

“Just as I am confident that the Iranians want to see Mr Trump’s party suffer in the midterms I am equally sure that they are hoping that Binyamin Netanyahu’s Likud — and, ideally, other parties in his coalition — take sufficient a pounding in Israel’s 27 October Knesset elections to see him finally gone from office.

Perversely, this might even encourage the Iranians to strike a deal with the US if it was one which would further damage Mr Netanyahu’s standing with the Israeli electorate. But we can be absolutely certain that Bibi will do whatever he can to prevent this from happening even if it means escalating not only in Lebanon but also directly against Iran to the point where Mr Trump — further frustrated by his failure to nail down a deal — is more or less forced to follow suit.

It was always my intention that the concluding paragraph of this note would reference the possibility not only of the Houthis being brought seriously into play for the first time since 28 February but also, as Professor Michael Clarke warned on Sky News on 18 July, their al-Shabaab allies in Somalia attacking shipping at the western end of the Arabian Sea. Even as I have been writing, the Houthis have announced that they are imposing a naval blockade on Saudi Arabia. If strictly enforced this will cut global oil supply by around seven percent, reminding investors that it is Tehran, not Washington, which has escalation dominance and which will decide if there is to be a deal and, if so, when.”

A link to Michael Clarke’s assessment was included in the comment I posted on yesterday’s Newsletter and can be found again here.

As something of a footnote (albeit a significant one) I would additionally flag, in the light of the today’s Newsletter, his assertion that, overall, Iran is nothing like as dependent on desalination as the GCCs are. If this is indeed the case – and coupled with ‘ordinary’ Americans’ aversion to body bags (noting that approval for the war in the US stands at minus 30 percent already) – it reinforces my belief that Iran continues to have escalation dominance and that the US, in escalating itself, is heading up a blind and very dangerous alley.

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      On Tue, Jul 21, 2026 at 3:01 AM Chas Freeman <cwfresidence@gmail.com> wrote:

      The slide toward a regional cataclysm

      Summary: following the killings of US service members in Jordan and Iraq, a major military escalation between the United States and Iran has collapsed their previous ceasefire agreement, threatening to spark a comprehensive, multi-front war that could devastatingly target civilian infrastructure and choke global energy supplies.

      The Middle East stands on the precipice of a comprehensive, region-wide war as the fragile remnants of diplomacy dissolve into ever widening open conflict. A dangerous new uptick in hostilities between the United States and Iran has shattered previous de-escalation frameworks, drawing regional powers and critical global energy corridors into a highly volatile spiral and threatening to ignite a confrontation of unprecedented scale.

      The current crisis reached a boiling point following a devastating military exchange in Jordan. According to reports from the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times, an Iranian ballistic missile and drone attack targeted the Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan, killing two U.S. service members, wounding several others, and leaving a third missing. These represent the first American military deaths from hostile fire since a short-lived ceasefire was declared in early April. The attack also successfully struck manned and unmanned aircraft on the base, exposing vulnerabilities in local air defences.

      In immediate retaliation, U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) launched its eighth consecutive night of intensive airstrikes on what it said were Iranian military targets. The Pentagon has deployed stealth F-35 fighter jets from the United Kingdom, F-16 squadrons from Germany, and aerial refuelling tankers to reinforce the Gulf region. While Washington asserted these strikes were aimed at degrading Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) drone and missile capabilities, Iranian state media confirmed that civilian networks bore the brunt of the damage in southern Iran. Notably, a U.S. attack struck a critical water desalination plant in the coastal city of Jask, leaving approximately 10,000 residents facing severe water shortages. Under international law, targeting critical civilian infrastructure necessary for human survival is a war crime.

      Iran has retaliated by launching drone and missile attacks on U.S. facilities in Kuwait, damaging a Kuwaiti oil facility and striking a second power and water treatment plant. It had already hit several desalination plants in the Gulf. The mid-June Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), which was designed to reopen the vital Strait of Hormuz to global shipping, has completely collapsed. Iran’s Foreign Ministry formally withdrew from the agreement, reinstating its total blockade on the waterway through which a fifth of the world’s oil flows and driving global energy prices sharply higher. On Saturday another American servicemember died in northern Iraq during a controlled detonation of a downed Iranian attack drone, adding to what has been one of the deadliest weeks for U.S. forces in the Iran war.


      The 'Gates of Hell' open both ways: Washington weighs total humiliation against a full-scale invasion, as its troops face the deadly reality of a tit-for-tat war.

      Geopolitical analyst Vali Nasr argues the collapse of the MoU was inevitable. While the US initially sought regime change or complete submission regarding Iran’s nuclear programme and regional influence, Iran secured a major strategic victory by seizing control of the Strait of Hormuz, forcing Washington to negotiate the accord. However, Tehran remained deeply suspicious of American intentions, viewing the MoU as a temporary tactical retreat to replenish US oil reserves and ease economic pressures without offering genuine sanctions relief. These suspicions were confirmed as Washington continued freezing Iranian assets, deployed more military hardware to the Persian Gulf, and attempted to divert commercial shipping away from Iranian channels toward the Omani shoreline.

      Emboldened by a massive show of domestic backing during the funeral of the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the IRGC leadership concluded that restraint would only invite further American aggression. For Iran, controlling the Strait of Hormuz is not a bargaining chip, but the ultimate “sword of Damocles” hanging over the global economy and its leverage to force Washington into serious diplomacy. Believing it has no economic benefits left to lose, Tehran has made an existential bet: it will absorb US military strikes while using its asymmetric capabilities to choke global trade, gambling that Washington will blink first.

      The conflict has now reached a critical fork in the road. On the one hand, President Donald Trump could abruptly change course and announce a sudden peace agreement, either directly or leaked via media outlets like Axios, as he has done in the past. On the other hand, the region may be on the verge of a full-scale, catastrophic war.

      Many military analysts view the second option as far more likely because the United States has trapped itself in a rigid binary choice: Washington must either endure a visible, deeply humiliating strategic defeat by allowing Iran to establish regional hegemony, or it must launch a massive, full-scale invasion. Following the deaths of the U.S. service members in Jordan and Iraq, significant American escalation is virtually guaranteed. US officials speaking to NPR have confirmed that Trump has ordered CENTCOM to open "the gates of hell" upon Iran.

      Such American outrage is deeply ironic given that the US government and Israel initially launched this war of aggression by assassinating Iran’s leader alongside most of his family and slaughtering some 160 schoolgirls. The deaths of US service members during Iranian retaliatory strikes, individuals who volunteered as professional soldiers in an army of aggression, should hardly be framed as an unexpected outrage justifying the total destruction of a sovereign nation, yet Washington continues to use these casualties to justify the devastating “punishment” of civilian infrastructure.

      Compounding this crisis is the complete collapse of deterrence boundaries. Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei issued a strict written warning stating that the United States has repeatedly violated its commitments, rendering Trump’s signature “worthless and invalid.” He warned that the Iranian nation and the broader “resistance front” have prepared “unforgettable lessons” for the US military. Because each strike sets a higher baseline for deterrence, both sides are forced to match the other’s escalation, rapidly eliminating the guardrails that previously contained the conflict.

      If this volatility escalates into a massive US ground invasion or a devastating aerial carpet-bombing campaign designed to obliterate Iran’s national infrastructure, neighbouring Arab Gulf states face catastrophic blowback. Traditional U.S. allies including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and the UAE are structurally defenceless in the event of an all-out war. Their coastlines and oil infrastructure in the Eastern Province are directly exposed to Iranian power projection. Saudi Arabia faces an added threat: a comprehensive war could trigger a “double insurgency” for the Saudis, as Iran deploys its regional proxies to squeeze the Kingdom from two fronts: Huthi forces launching a synchronised ground invasion from the southern border while Iraqi Shia militias (Al-Hashd al-Shaabi) push heavily through the north.

      This vulnerability has been compounded by severe tactical blunders committed by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) in Yemen. His reckless decision to bomb the international airport in Sana’a has led the Kingdom into a trap: halting his airstrikes signals a humiliating Saudi defeat while Iranian weapons continue to flow to the Huthis, but continuing them invites a war he cannot manage. The Saudi regime’s public attempts to claim that these sophisticated airstrikes are being executed by the fractured, internationally recognised “Yemeni Legitimacy” government forces are risible. The public and the Huthis see entirely through this deception, knowing the fractured Yemeni government completely lacks the advanced aviation and rocketry required for such operations.

      If the Huthis respond to Saudi pressure by completely closing the Bab al-Mandab strait, they will create an absolute bottleneck alongside Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Because the world’s largest oil tankers cannot physically traverse the Suez Canal without passing through Bab al-Mandab, Saudi Arabia’s ability to export its oil would be completely strangled overnight, paralysing global energy supplies. Ominously on Monday the Huthis announced they were implementing a naval blockade on the Saudis in a move that raises the stakes considerably, immediately further threatening global energy supplies and international trade.

      The window for diplomatic intervention has nearly closed. With no active negotiations and an entire theatre of war operating on a volatile tit-for-tat dynamic, the region once again finds itself on a dangerous precipice. The coming days will determine if the Middle East plunges into an unmanageable, multi-front war that will reshape the global geopolitical and economic order for decades to come.

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