Here's Kellogg echoing that, as incitement of aggressive war: "The Trump Administration strengthened Europe’s deterrence posture toward Russia by revitalizing the NATO alliance to work for American interests by pushing NATO members to contribute fairly to the alliance and meet their NATO Article 3 and Wales Declaration defense spending targets. By reforming NATO to return it to its original intent to serve as a collective security arrangement, the burden of Russian deterrence no longer fell solely on the United States. The Europeans were pressed to step up to defend their regional security and return to being effective allies. The Trump Administration imposed strong sanctions against the Nord Stream II Pipeline, built to transport Russian natural gas from Russia to Germany, to halt its completion. Trump officials also pressured European states to delink from the Russian energy supply, an effort that undermined Russia’s ability to weaponize energy in the region—and one that Europe resisted until Russia invaded Ukraine. "This included Trump publicly criticizing Germany for making itself dependent on Russian gas imports. At a July 2018 NATO summit, Trump condemned Germany’s support of the Nord Stream II pipeline, saying, “Germany, as far as I’m concerned, is captive to Russia because it’s getting so much of its energy from Russia.” Trump was even more critical of Germany for its dependency on Russian energy in his September 2018 speech to the U.N. General Assembly. “Germany will become totally dependent on Russian energy if it does not immediately change course,” the president said. “Here in the Western Hemisphere, we are committed to maintaining our independence from the encroachment of expansionist foreign powers.” It is ironic today to watch video of German diplomats in the General Assembly hall at the time laughing at Trump’s criticism. "During the Trump Administration, the United States no longer tolerated Russia’s repeated nuclear treaty violations and withdrew from the Open Skies Treaty and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty. The Trump Administration also began the process of withdrawing from the New START nuclear arms reduction treaty with Russia in hopes of negotiating a stronger and more effective treaty that also would include China’s nuclear arsenal." But I think this is the best contemporaneous account of Trump's position of hostility against Russia, comporting with Kellogg's:
"However, it would be wrong for Europeans to conclude that President Trump wants to withdraw all US forces from Europe. The President simply wants the US military to be NATO’s security guarantor of last resort, not NATO’s “first responder. "One reason is the character of the Russian threat. Instead of the massed motor rifle regiments of the Cold War, we’re now seeing disinformation and infiltration by Russian Special Operations Forces (little green men) on the pretext of aiding disaffected Russian minorities in countries like Estonia, Latvia, or Moldava. When Moscow thinks the time is ripe, it sends in the second wave: a rapid intervention by Russia’s standing, professional forces — primarily mobile armored formations ranging in size from 3,000-8,000 soldiers, tightly integrated with precision rocket artillery, surface-to-surface missile groups, and aerospace power. All of these forces are designed to operate under the cover of Western Russia’s formidable integrated air defenses (IADS) to keep NATO airpower at bay.. . . "A second reason is not as widely understood: World War II and its sequel, the Cold War, are behind us, not in front of us. The age of mass mobilization-based armies has given way to limited, high-intensity conventional warfare — an era of integrated, “all arms-all effects” warfighting. . . .
"History provides a model for how to fix this. When General Curtis LeMay took over Strategic Air Command, he discovered that SAC lacked the right operational focus and military capability; there were no detailed war plans, only broad directives. LeMay concluded there were not enough leaders with the elasticity of mind to meet the Cold War’s new demands for fast-paced exercises and deployments. LeMay found the ‘right people,’ he appointed them to command and staff positions, and SAC became the model of warfighting readiness. LeMay’s approach may be helpful to the President as he moves the Department of Defense and NATO in a new strategic direction."
Trump has his new "LeMay" in Pete Hegseth, as enthusiastic for war as LeMay was, soon to be a loaded gun waiting to go off, with its trigger to be pulled from the E Ring of the Pentagon's SecDef Office.
On Jan 14, 2025, at 6:36 PM, Chas Freeman via Salon <salon@listserve.com> wrote:
The “Deep State” continues to
pressure the new U.S. Administration to “not give in to any of Moscow's
proposals and create from day one of direct negotiations, a position of
strength that will eventually force Moscow to compromise and send a
clear message to China, Iran and North Korea that the United States is
back in strength and glory.”
The decision by U.S. President-elect
Donald Trump’s special envoy for Ukraine, General Keith Kellogg, to
postpone his trip to Kyiv made big news, especially since it coincided
with Trump expressing sympathy for Russian President Vladimir Putin
given Biden’s push for Ukraine to join NATO. Another factor was
Zelensky’s erratic interview with American blogger Lex Fridman, where
former comedian mixed complaints about insufficient Western aid with
expletive-laden language. Kellogg will most likely make this trip sooner or later, after
January 20, when his boss suffix “elect” will be dropped and Trump
officially becomes President. However, he should use the remaining time
to do some homework. At this point, Trump’s ideas to end the war are not clear, and
conditions for peace declared by Moscow and Kyiv are almost
diametrically opposed. In addition, Russia is waging war not only with
Ukraine but with over 50 countries, often called the “collective West,”
who are using Ukraine as a proxy. They invested heavily in this war and
wanted to get something back. Their goal, at least until recently, was
not to save nonexistent freedom and democracy in Ukraine but to inflict
strategic defeat on Russia to preserve the unipolar world order under
Western leadership. It was Josep Borrell, the former European Union’s
foreign policy chief, who described the West as an idyllic “garden” of
prosperity and the rest of the world as “mostly a jungle,” which
explains why, for them, Russia’s insistence on transitioning to the
multipolar world order is unacceptable.
Trump will try to end the war: “I want people to stop dying.”
Many unsolicited advisors
to Kellogg warned him not to yield to any Moscow demands and, “from the
first day of direct negotiations, to establish a position of strength
that would ultimately force Moscow to compromise and send a clear
message to China, Iran, and North Korea” that “the United States is
back.” Still, Trump wants to bring the war to a conclusion by seeking a
cease-fire and negotiating a settlement by repeating, “I want everyone
to stop dying.”
This is an honorable goal, but it would be impossible to achieve
without understanding the roots of this conflict. The following two
sources could help Kellogg and his team do some homework and bring the
summary to Trump’s attention.
The first is a declassified, after 30 years of waiting, 70-paragraph telegram written
by E. Wayne Merry, a leading political analyst at the US Embassy in
Moscow, in March 1994, criticizing American policies aimed at radical
economic reforms in Russia. Due to objections from the U.S. Treasury
Department, Merry could not obtain permission to publish the telegram.
Still, it became public only after the National Security Archive filed a
lawsuit under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). Its essence lies
in the fact that the radical market reforms of “Shock Therapy,” pushed
by Washington and led by American advisers, was the wrong economic
recipe and destructive for Russia. In the same place, Merry warned of
the long-term consequences of these reforms, which would recreate
hostile relations between Russia, the United States, and the West.
Of course, Merry’s opinions are not a sensation since there are many
other materials about the catastrophic events in Russia in the ’90s. For
example, the report
of the US Congressional delegation from September 2000 states that
after the collapse of the USSR, President Clinton’s predecessors, from
Truman to Reagan, could only dream of such American-Russian relations,
which he inherited. American values, including free enterprise and
democracy, enjoyed astounding prestige and popularity among Russians.
Building ties with the United States was a top priority for the Russian
leadership. Until 1993, Moscow harmoniously cooperated with Washington
on almost the entire range of international issues, including arms
control that culminated in the START-2 treaty, which reduced the nuclear
arsenals of the United States and Russia by 66%, and missile defense,
on which President Bush and President Yeltsin began negotiations aimed
at amending the 1972 ABM Treaty, necessary to account for the
proliferation of ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction.
However, the congressmen continued the years of “bad advice.” The
culmination of the Clinton administration’s fatally flawed macroeconomic
policy towards Russia came in August 1998, when Russia’s default on its
debts and the ruble’s devaluation led to its complete economic
collapse. By all accounts, this disaster was more serious than America’s
collapse in 1929.
In August 1999, in an article titled “Who Robbed Russia?”
Washington Post columnist David Ignatius, who is now one of the most
outspoken critics of Russia, writes: “What makes the situation with
Russia so sad is that the Clinton administration may have squandered one
of the most valuable assets imaginable, namely the idealism and
goodwill of the Russian people that emerged after 70 years of communist
rule. The catastrophe in Russia may haunt us for several more
generations.” Closer to current events, Kellogg’s negotiators need to read Scott Horton’s book Provoked.
In it, Horton describes the history of collective actions by all
successive US administrations after the end of the Cold War. From the
expansion of NATO to the east, the economic policy of “shock therapy,”
the Balkan and Chechen wars, the color revolutions, accusations of
election interference, and ultimately the brutal conflict in Ukraine,
all show who is to blame and what really happened. Here are some quotes
from well-known American experts. “Scott Horton has become an invaluable chronicler of the devastation
caused by our interventionist foreign policy. In his new book, Provoked,
he tears the covers off the mountains of lies used to justify
Washington’s embezzlement of billions of dollars and countless Ukrainian
lives in a futile war with Russia. Truth is the best disinfectant, and
Scott Horton’s crucial report on this terrible chapter of U.S. foreign
policy is like a general cleaning. Read this book and get copies for
your friends… and opponents!” says Ron Paul, a former congressman from
Texas. “Provoked is manna from heaven for anyone who wants to know
where the extreme Russophobia in the West came from, as well as the
central role the United States played in causing the Ukraine war. Horton
provides a detailed account of America’s foolish and dishonest behavior
toward Russia in the years since the Cold War ended.” – John J.
Mearsheimer, R. Wendell Harrison, Distinguished Service Professor of
Political Science at the University of Chicago. “Scott Horton’s important new book traces America’s journey to war
and intervention through a succession of presidencies and builds a case
that points to a frightening, potential final destination for the United
States: isolation and alienation from most of the world. Scott’s
message is simple. Stop now before it’s too late.” — Col. Douglas
Macgregor, U.S. Army (ret.) “Scott Horton is a treasure. He is also the neocons’ nightmare. He
knows their deceptions and lies, and he is fearless in exposing the
disasters they have wrought. Provoked is the most thoroughly
researched, rationally grounded, and compellingly presented assault on
war and defense of peace written in English in the post-9/11 era. It
will become the standard against which all similar works are measured
and indispensable reading for all who need to understand how the
American government has time and again brought civilization to a
terrifying precipice.” — Judge Andrew P. Napolitano, NY Times
best-selling author and commentator, Host of Judging Freedom Podcast. “Scott Horton is perhaps the country’s most incisive and, without
question, its most indefatigable advocate for a sane U.S. foreign policy
towards Russia. If you really want to know how we’ve arrived at this,
the most dangerous point in relations with Russia since the Cuban
Missile Crisis, then read this.” — James W. Carden, former State
Department adviser, senior consultant to the American Committee for
U.S.-Russia Accord. In the remaining time before the start of direct negotiations,
Kellogg should bring to Trump’s attention the summary of these documents
to better understand the roots of this conflict, reach an honorable
exit from this war, and start a new page for US-Russia relations that
would benefit both nations and the world.
President and Founder of the American University in Moscow
Edward Lozansky
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